The purpose of this investigation was to analyze the basic skills and tactics of samba in relation to world samba championship and to find ways to improve exercise skills and competitiveness of Japanese samba athletes.

The results of this research are provided below.

1) The results of men’s 9 weight divisions, which included 150 games, are as follows. Win by the difference of points accounted for 75 games (50% of all). Win by ippon accounted for 68 games (45.3% of all). The details of ippon were joint locking 37 games (24.7%), technical 24 games (16.0%) and Throwing 7 games (4.7%).

2) The technique for getting a point directly included 352 patterns in all Standing technique had 303 patterns of getting point (as applied from judo technique to samba technique) were kata-guruma, kutiki-daosi, seoinage, hikikomi-gaesi, utimata from many turns. They accounted for 50.9% of all.

3) It was suggested the importance of mastering the technique of let a knee arrive such as uki-otoshi and kouchi-gari to score active point.

4) Combination technique accounted for 30.1% (109 patterns) in getting point technique 352 patterns. The details of 109 patterns were combination from technique to standing technique 41 patterns and to ground fighting technique 68 patterns.

The results of this study suggested that the characteristics of the sambo are different from those of judo and it is necessary to master hand techniques such as kata-guruma and kutiki-daosi to score a point. In addition, it also became clear the need to master techniques such as uki-otoshi and kouchi-gari to score active point.

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In this paper, the author tries to study the functions of athletic activities in modern societies in order to find solutions for the problems inherent in these activities. First, the targets of athletic activities are classified. Then, the functions of these activities are considered theoretically. All athletic activities have targets that can be directly aimed at by the athletes during the activities. There are many kinds of targets, but all can be classified into seven groups:
1) defended mobile targets, 2) defended immobile targets, 3) defended skill targets, 4) undefended mobile targets, 5) undefended immobile targets, 6) undefended skill targets, 7) undefended record targets. The first three types of these targets are defended, and the latter four types are undefended. All these targets are clearly visible to the athletes. This “visibility” is the most important trait of these targets when one considers the essence and ends of athletic activities in comparison with the ends of modern labour, in order to examine the functions of athletic activities in modern societies. The ends or targets of modern labour are unclear and cannot be seen directly by the workers' eyes. This “invisibility” has gradually deepened since the Industrial Revolution. From this contrast of the “visibility” of the targets of athletes to the “invisibility” of the ends of modern labourers, therefore, a new hypothesis can be proposed that athletic activities have developed as a counter-culture against modern labour, in order that people might participate in actions aiming at targets that are more clearly seen by the participants than are the ends or targets of modern labour.

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This essay discusses physical culture and the establishment of the bukh system during Mongolia's socialist era and the reform of “traditional bukh” following democratization. It examines, in particular, the process through which traditional bukh wrestling has become a modern sport, focusing on the reforms the Bukh Federation has undertaken since 1990. Although this approach provides only a brief look at bukh during a short moment in its long history, it is distinguished by its emphasis on spontaneous and democratic modernization of the sport from the “inside” and from “below, ” in contrast to traditional studies, which have concentrated on the formation of a bukh system from “above” through the exercise of centralized power.
The Bukh Federation, founded in 1990, took the position that “bukh is an ancient tradition that preserves in condensed form the essence of Mongolian culture.” By giving a precise definition to the concepts of “bukh wrestling, ” “wrestlers, ” and “spectators, ” and thereby reviving, revitalizing, and commercializing “traditional bukh, ” the Federation hoped to modernize the sport. This was intended, in the words of Federation leaders, to bring “traditional bukh” into the modern era. By setting up a modern bukh league with a large everyday following while stage-managing “traditional bukh” as a part of the Naadam national festival, the Federation skillfully merged this modernist discourse with the actual pratice of bukh.
I call this process “the embodiment of tradition.” On the one hand, the modernization of bukh aimed not so much to internationalize the sport as to spread to other Mongolian-related groups a form of wrestling perfected inside Mongolia and reflecting a purely Mongolian ethnos. Thus, the modern reproduction of traditional bukh involves the construction of bukh culture as a symbol of a distinctly national or ethnic culture through the mutual interaction of the state and the Bukh Federation based on the twin concepts of nationalism and “tradition.”

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