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  • (財)水利科学研究所
    水利科学
    2004年 48 巻 2 号 132-138
    発行日: 2004/06/01
    公開日: 2018/02/02
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 磯村 英一
    社会学評論
    1963年 14 巻 1 号 11-28,134
    発行日: 1963/08/10
    公開日: 2009/11/11
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 20世紀初頭よりレイモンド・アンウィンによるグリーン・ガードル計画まで
    石川 幹子
    都市計画論文集
    1994年 29 巻 331-336
    発行日: 1994/10/25
    公開日: 2019/02/01
    ジャーナル フリー

    THE PURPOSE OF THIS STUDY IS TO ANALYSE THE HISTORICAL EVOLUTION OF THE PLANNING THOUGHT ON THE GREEN BELT IN LONDON FROM 1900-1938. AT THE BEGINNING OF THE 20TH CENTURY, THE THOUGHT OF THE GREEN GIRDLE WAS DEVELOPED INFLUENCED BY THE AMERICAN PARK SYSTEM. IN 1920'S, THE REGIONAL PLANNING WAS DEVELOPED AS THE METHOD TO SOLVE THE ENLARGEMENT PROBLEM OF BIG CITIES. THE GREEN GIRDLE PROPOSED BY RAYMOND ANWIN REFRECTED THIS REGIONAL PLANNING THEORY, AND THE CHARACTERISTICS OF THE GREEN GIRDLE CHANGED TO SECURE A BREAK IN THE OUTWARD SPORADIC SPREADING OF LONDON.

  • 大方 潤一郎
    都市計画論文集
    1980年 15 巻 13-18
    発行日: 1980/10/25
    公開日: 2020/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 中村 良夫, 北村 眞一
    土木学会論文集
    1988年 1988 巻 399 号 13-26
    発行日: 1988/11/20
    公開日: 2010/08/24
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 日本航空学会誌
    1961年 9 巻 92 号 291-301
    発行日: 1961/09/05
    公開日: 2009/05/25
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 南川 文里
    アメリカ研究
    2009年 43 巻 135-153
    発行日: 2009/03/25
    公開日: 2021/11/06
    ジャーナル フリー

    The rebuilding of Little Tokyo in Downtown Los Angeles after the internment of Japanese Americans during World War II has been thought to be proof how Japanese had a strong attachment to their “ethnic community.” Some studies, however, focused on the fact that the place was also called “Bronzeville,” where African American wartime workers occupied ex-Japanese tenants, and described the process of racial “integration” between two groups in the resettlement era. This paper aims to clarify how Japanese returnees and Black residents experienced the transition from Bronzeville to Little Tokyo and discuss what kinds of “sense of community” toward the place both groups hold.

    When the United States government allowed the Japanese to return to the West Coast in 1945, federal and local officials, civic organizations, and racial and ethnic group leaders appealed for “interracial cooperation” to help ease resettlement into local communities. This interracialism emphasized that loyal “Japanese American citizens” deserved to have the right to live anywhere they wanted just as other American citizens did.

    Under the influence of interracialism, Little Tokyo appeared to be rebuilt as a symbol of Japanese community. More than 500 Japanese businesses reopened around East First Street, and Issei leaders became involved in political activities in a few years. Some Japanese journalists, however, recognized that the post-war Little Tokyo was different from the pre-war community in which they perceived “authenticity.” In fact, out-of-towners and Nisei entrepreneurs, rather than pre-war generation businessmen, revitalized the ethnic economy in the resettlement era and young Japanese American Citizens League OACL) leaders extended political leadership over Issei pioneers. New Japanese businessmen preferred having their residences in the “Southwestern District” along Jefferson Blvd and Boyle Heights on the east of Downtown rather than in Little Tokyo.

    Through the resettlement of the Japanese, interracialism was contextualized within the spatial formation in multiracial Los Angeles. Interracialists appealed to a color-blind ideal promoting a race-neutral approach, and they were reluctant to eradicate restrictive covenants that kept barriers between “west” of LA as white middle-class suburbia and “east” as multiracial working-class neighborhoods. Faced with this contradiction, on the one hand, Japanese returnees found “safety and stability” in Little Tokyo, even though they recognized its lost authenticity as an ethnic community. On the other, African Americans pursued interracial cooperation against white supremacy and discovered their original community along Central Avenue to Watts in South Los Angeles, while they alienated Black working-class southerners living in Bronzeville.

    Little Tokyo/Bronzeville was a multiracial place where neither single “ethnic community” nor color-blind “community” was impossible. Japanese and Blacks rediscovered their senses of belonging within frictional and sympathetic interracial relations, even though newly developed ways of identification with the place was also difficult to achieve. Thus, the sense of a multiracial community such as Little Tokyo in the resettlement era rose from dynamic relations of difference, belonging, and solidarity, rather than cooperative unity.

  • ルーマニアにおけるポスト社会主義の文化遺産政策と世界遺産の役割に関する研究-2
    舘﨑 麻衣子, 花里 利一, 三宅 理一
    日本建築学会計画系論文集
    2021年 86 巻 783 号 1601-1611
    発行日: 2021/05/30
    公開日: 2021/05/30
    ジャーナル フリー

    After Vrancea Earthquake of 1977, Romania faced the hardest period in terms of conservation of religious heritages as Ceauşescu’s socialist regime came to concentrate on the construction of gigantic Casa Poporului in Bucharest. The oppression against the Orthodox Church culminated with the imprisonment of clergies and the destruction of church and monastery buildings. Not a few reports or papers have been published on this vandalism, but use of secondary materials or misreading of the original information has made them incorrect. This paper aims, before everything, at the correction of the reality of the church destruction by finding reliable sources and documents, including the interviews to those who were engaged in these missions. Critical survey of the removal of religious buildings and the systematization plan with socialist ideological connotation is another goal.

    The urban planning of Bucharest throughout the 20th century originated from the masterplan of 1935, in which the Royal Palace, the Patriarchy, and the Parliaments were separately allocated in outstanding places with splendid architecture. However, the socialist regime has underlined the priority of socialistic public buildings while converting the palaces into museums and oppressing the church activities. The climax is the transfer of the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate to one single Parliament Building, Casa Poporului, to replace actual Arsenal of the Army. In the course of the discussion between Ceauşescu and the architects and engineers, represented by Anca Petrescu, the idea of the Politico-administrative Centre enlarged its dimension, which covers both Uranus and Unirii districts, counting more than 400 ha. Historical monuments, both religious and secular, within this operation zone were to be completely removed while the Patriarchy Complex on the Metropolitan Hill was exempted from the operation. As a result, 17 churches and monasteries were either demolished (totally and partially) or relocated due to this vast systematization operation in the Politico-administrative Center. In addition, another 15 religious buildings were removed by other types of operations such as redevelopment for housing, enlargement of avenues and river/lake modification.

    However, the removal of church buildings was not the invention of Ceauşescu government. They had been removed on the occasion of big public projects like the construction of the new Royal Palace or new axis avenues even in the pre-war royal period. In the historical center of the left bank, the renovation of the former New Palace to public museum obliged the demolition of churches for the sake of garden planning. Still the scale of the operation by Ceauşescu was overwhelmingly huge. The case of Enei Church next to the university was exceptional as it happened most probably by an accident of the removal operation of neighboring apartment blocks damaged by Vrancea Earthquake, but the impact of this happening was so strong to Western media that a simplified scheme of Ceauşescu’s anti-Church attitude was amplified through media.

    The demolition of former Vacareşti Monastery happened on a completely different level as this complex was categorized the most valuable historical monument of Brâncoveanu architecture. Although its conservation work started in the 1970’s, the operation was overturned to the complete demolition. This attitude of anti-historicism explained another aspect of the regime. Systimatization Policy thus took the position over heritage conservation, but it is limited in one huge district of Bucharest. Relocation technology is the result of compromise between the regime and the church.

  • マクミラン委員会の計画とシティ・プランニングの起源
    石川 幹子
    土木史研究
    1992年 12 巻 37-52
    発行日: 1992/06/05
    公開日: 2010/06/15
    ジャーナル フリー
    The purpose of this paper is to analyze the development history of the Capital City of Washington, especially forousing on the McMillan Plan in 1902.
    The following three. points have been clarified.
    First, the McMillan Plan caused a nation-wide civic art or civic improvement movement, and finally, it created the professional field of the city planning. Second, the concept of the park system was established as the fundamental structure of the city and it gave a great influence in the development of the metropolitan park system and the green-belt concept. Third, through the study of the Mall, it was clarified that the characteristic of the civic landscape which symbolized the nation was its flexibility and freedom.
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