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  • 大久保 桂子
    史学雑誌
    1985年 94 巻 12 号 1882-1910,1992-
    発行日: 1985/12/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
    The Glorious Revolution of 1688-89 has long been considered an epoch-making event by which Parliament finally overcame the monarchy of the Stuarts. However, this too easily accepted view makes it impossible to see any serious meaning in the rather negative attitude of the Jacobites towards the Revolution. But since an assurance of the 'Revolution Settlement' was above all guaranteed by maintaining through parliamentary laws a new monarch against his lifelong rival, Louis XIV, and since only a minority of Englishmen accepted the Revolution without hesitation, Jacobitism should be regarded as more reality than nightmare. To begin with, this paper questions whether the Act of Settlement of 1701 could actually 'settle' the succession of the Crown and do away with all hopes of Jacobitism. And if not, as the author believes, it must be asked how subsequent attempts were made to secure that settlement and what circumstances necessitated such measures. One of the most important events of 1702 occured when Louis XIV, despite his former recognition of William III as the lawful King of England in the Treaty of Ryswick of 1697, proclaimed James II's son 'King James III'. This single action was enough for England to declare war on France, although the Spanish succession has been a sounding issue among the major sovereigns of Europe since 1701. Just before the War of Spanish Succession broke out, the English Parliament decided at last to take positive steps to reject any implications of Jacobitism as illegal : first, dealing with foreign allies by proposing a Commons' Resolution requiring an additional clause in some treatises of alliance ; and next, dealing with the English people themselves with two resolute pieces of legislation -the Bill of Attainder for the Old Pretender and the Abjuration Oath demanding that they 'renounce, refuse and abjure any allegiance or obedience to him'. These events make clear that Jacobitism was regarded in much the same way as Louis XIV's intervention in determining the English throne and therefore in the Revolution Settlement itself, and explain why Jacobitism posed a serious threat in that critical year of 1702. The fact that admittedly not all M.P.s were ready to abjure allegiance to the Pretender is another testimony concerning the extent to which the Revolution Settlement was established, or was expected to be established, during the thirteen years of William III's reign.
  • 飯塚 正朝
    経済学史学会年報
    1993年 31 巻 31 号 145
    発行日: 1993年
    公開日: 2010/08/05
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 及川 和夫, 池田 寛子, 鈴木 美津子, アルヴィ宮本 なほ子
    イギリス・ロマン派研究
    2017年 41 巻 41-58
    発行日: 2017/03/30
    公開日: 2018/05/09
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 田中 正司
    経済学史学会年報
    1992年 30 巻 30 号 115
    発行日: 1992年
    公開日: 2010/08/05
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 近藤 和彦
    史学雑誌
    1988年 97 巻 3 号 321-357,423-42
    発行日: 1988/03/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
    Manchester in the eighteenth century has been associated with the coming of the industrial revolution. Certainly it would become one of the leading centres of the capitalist world economy in the nineteenth century, but it was still 'one of the greatest mere villages in England', famous for its textile trade, with a population of some twenty thousand, in the age of Defoe and Walpole. More significantly for the purpose of this paper the parish of Manchester was in the diocese of Chester, a part of the country notorious for party strife and as 'disaffected'. The collegiate parish church was a stronghold of high church clergymen, while the parish contained a sizeable cluster of dissenters (mainly presbyterians) which amounted to 422 families out of 3201, i.e. more than 13% of the whole and more than twice the national average of 6.2%. My analysis in this paper is focused first on the clerical quarrels within the collegiate church of Manchester from 1718 to 1728. Samuel Peploe (1668-1752), who had proved his spirit against the Jacobites in 1715 as vicar of Preston, was promoted by the whig government warden of Manchester in 1718 (and then bishop of Chester in 1726). He would have to face hard years in dealing with the high churchmen and non-jurors in the church and the parish. Secondly the workhouse project and the opposition in the town are analysed from 1729 to 1731. John Byrom (1692-1763), a high churchman of letters and stenographer, was one of the most active opponents of the scheme. His correspondence, diaries and poems, together with parliamentary and other sources, reveal a good deal of the hitherto hidden social alignments of the Mancunians and clarify other often misrepresented circumstances. Factious rivalry infected the town, and such public projects as an incorporated workhouse were doomed to failure by the opposition of high churchmen (tories), who feared that the alliance of low churchmen and dissenters (whigs) might dominate not only the incorporated trust, but also the administration and finance of the town. The intended bill for the workhouse became an issue of party politics in Parliament, and was defeated in April 1731 by an alliance of tories and whig opposition members. Byrom's return to Manchester on 10 June (the Pretender's birthday) was welcomed at the collegiate church, where Peploe remained beset as warden. The sources I rest upon are both local and central, unpublished and published, v. notes. I have edited the most relevant documents relating to the workhouse issue in the Bulletin of the Faculty of Letters, Nagoya University, vol.33 (1987). The article containing the selected documents is abbreviated as WH, and referred to on page 45 (note 4).
  • 中川 秀一, 磯田 弦, 宮地 忠幸
    日本地理学会発表要旨集
    2018年 2018s 巻 P343
    発行日: 2018年
    公開日: 2018/06/27
    会議録・要旨集 フリー
    EUからの離脱とともにUKにおける関心事の一つはスコットランドの独立の問題だろう。他方、日本ではあまり報じられていないが(村上佳代2003)、スコットランドでは、Land Reform Act(土地改革法2003以下、LRA)の施行を端緒とし、土地改革が進行している。スコットランドにおける土地問題は、18世紀のジャコバイトの蜂起失敗や、その後のイギリスによる近代化政策とハイランド・クリアランスに端を発している。これらの施策によって、追いやられた農民たちはクロフター(crofter)と呼ばれる小作制度によって土地を耕作する権利を確保してきたが、結果として60%の土地を0.002%の所有者が所有するという偏った土地所有構造が生み出された。

     こうした土地所有構造は1970年代から‛Who Owns Scotland?’(John McEwen1977など)という問いかけに象徴される政治問題とされてきた。1990年代には、土地所有者の多くがもはやイギリス人ではなく、中東やアジア、アメリカ在住の不在地主となっていることが明らかにされ(A.D. Wightman and J.Hunter1997)、土地問題とナショナルな問題との結びつきが強まった。1997年UK国政選挙において土地改革を公約とする労働党政権が誕生すると、スコットランド議会が創設され(1999年)、土地法に権限を持つようになった。こうして新たなLRAが施行されたのである。

    したがって、LRAは、おもにクロフターの展開するハイランド地方に関するものであった。その論点は、コミュニティが土地を所有する政治的正当性やプロセスであり、そのための財源、正当な土地管理のあり方であった。LRA以前に、3つのCommunity Land Ownership(以下、CLO)が存在していたが(Mac Askill1999)、LRAによって急速に住民の地域コミュニティによる土地取得は50以上に増加している。

     もともとの土地利用の多くは、外来客向けの狩猟地や釣り場であり、また単なる小作地であった。地域コミュニティ所有となってからは、事業用地として利用され、小作料は、かつての不在地主ではなく、地域コミュニティに支払われる。これらの収益は、地域の改善のために用いられるようになった(F.Rennie2015)。

     クロフターはスコットランド北西部で広く展開したため、LRAによるCLOの展開もこの地域に多くみられるが、LRAは、必ずしもクロフターを前提としない条項も含んでいるため、ハイランド南東部の都市周辺で展開する例もみられる(宮地・中川2018)。

    以上の概況を踏まえ、2016年9月(中川・宮地)及び2017年9月(中川・磯田)に行った調査に基づいて報告する。特にOuter Hebrides島嶼地域における現地調査に基づくCLOの実態分析を中心とする。

    土地に対する個別排他的な権限は、地域住民のアクセスが阻まれ、資源活用が妨げられ、地域環境の悪化を招くなどの地域問題の要因となっている。このことは、土地資源の過少利用問題とも関連し、国土周辺地域の存続問題にもつながっている。スコットランドにおける共有地創出の動向は、日本及び先進国諸国におけるこれらの問題に対する含意は少なくないと考えられる。
  • 見瀬 悠
    史学雑誌
    2014年 123 巻 1 号 1-34
    発行日: 2014/01/20
    公開日: 2017/07/31
    ジャーナル フリー
    The aim of this article is to analyze the conditions conducive to obtaining the status of subject in France and the narrative strategies employed for the purpose of obtaining lettres de naturalite by immigrants from the British Isles during the eighteenth century, in order to examine what being legally bound to the state signified for foreigners under the Ancien Regime. Having arrived in France for political, religious and/or economic reasons and by and large favorably received by the king (or, royal authority), the British immigrants became participants in French society through participation and solidarity in such compatriotic communities as the Stuart court in exile in Saint-Germainen-Laye, Irish regiments in the French Army, British-founded convents and colleges, and merchants' colonies in the Atlantic seaports. It's within this process of socialization that the naturalization was requested, and by analysis of the organizational features of those naturalized in terms of geographical distribution and socioprofessional profiles, the author concludes from her observations on their motives and backgrounds that the choice of naturalization was indirectly facilitated by the historical relations and cultural bonds between immigrant communities and French society and influenced by wavering inbred Stuart loyalties and political persecution, but was directly decided out of the desire to guarantee one's personal property and/or occupation. That being said, such self-serving motives were by no means revealed in the actual lettres de naturalite; rather, one observes applicants adopting such strategies designed to more easily obtain these letters as insisting that they were endowed with many of the exemplary attributes sought after within French society. From the personal accounts included in the lettres de naturalite of British immigrants, we find the enumeration of such desirable national attributes as contributions made to the monarchy through military, medical and commercial service and religious orthodoxy, while at the same time there are accounts of their everyday occupational activities, touching upon past personal experiences of loyalty to the House of Stuart, apostasy and conversion to the Catholicism and the religious persecution they suffered in their homeland. All indicate clearly the adoption of strategies geared to taking advantage of their "otherness" as foreign-born residents. From the above analysis, the author makes the general conclusion that naturalization not only constitutes an expansion in the breadth of alternative strategies for survival within the foreigners' host society, but at the same time did not presume full assimilation into French culture; rather allowing them to preserve their identity with the historical and cultural heritage of their native lands.
  • 行安 茂, 田中 秀夫
    イギリス哲学研究
    2003年 26 巻 122-129
    発行日: 2003/03/20
    公開日: 2018/04/25
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 石井 昌幸
    日本体育学会大会号
    1998年 49 巻
    発行日: 1998/08/20
    公開日: 2017/08/25
    会議録・要旨集 フリー
  • 水田 洋
    日本學士院紀要
    2007年 62 巻 2 号 173-214
    発行日: 2007年
    公開日: 2017/04/05
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 水田 洋, 下川 潔
    イギリス哲学研究
    1996年 19 巻 84-101
    発行日: 1996/04/01
    公開日: 2018/05/25
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 原 英一
    英文学研究
    2008年 85 巻 164-168
    発行日: 2008/11/28
    公開日: 2017/04/10
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 岩田 美喜
    英文学研究 支部統合号
    2009年 2 巻 198-200
    発行日: 2009/12/15
    公開日: 2017/06/16
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 久保山 尚
    史学雑誌
    2007年 116 巻 4 号 441-475
    発行日: 2007/04/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The malt tax riots, which broke out in June 1725 in Glasgow with a general discontent at the imposition of the malt tax, has long attracted some attention of historians. From the viewpoint of recent development of political and social history, however, it has been investigated unsatisfactorily. This article deals with the malt tax riots and focuses on its two aspects : the actual situation of the three-day disturbances, that is, actions of the crowd and measures taken by the Glasgow magistrates, and a war of words that surrounded the riots. In the disturbances, crowd abused the excise officers and interfered violently with the officers' work to gauge the malts. They also attacked the neo-palladian house of Daniel Campbell of Shawfield, MP for Glasgow burghs, and it was completely demolished. Two troops, sent from Edinburgh in advance to assist the excise officers, shot at the crowd that allegedly threatened the troops. Some were killed on the spot, and the crowd became extremely enraged. In this field of hostility emerged a bitter friction between the local community and the representation of the state force. The provost chose to take sides with the local community, and issued some instruction to a captain of the train bands of the town to pursue the troops. In the war of words, the pro-government press represented Glasgow as disaffected, while pro-Glaswegian writers campaigned for and exploited Glasgow's loyalism to the Revolution settlement and the Hanoverian monarchy to justify the town. The magistrates of Glasgow were supported by the people by reason of their conduct during the disturbances, creating the solidarity of the town. The disturbances functioned as an integrative factor. The self-appointed name of the magistrates, 'the Revolutioners', epitomized the solidarity and loyalism of the town.
  • 水田 洋
    経済学史学会年報
    2002年 42 巻 42 号 135-136
    発行日: 2002年
    公開日: 2010/08/05
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 勝田 俊輔
    史学雑誌
    2012年 121 巻 1 号 95-98
    発行日: 2012/01/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 隅田 忠義
    イギリス哲学研究
    1980年 3 巻 14-22
    発行日: 1980/03/31
    公開日: 2018/06/25
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 内多 毅
    英文学研究
    1965年 42 巻 1 号 108-109
    発行日: 1965/09/30
    公開日: 2017/04/10
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 相馬 保夫
    史学雑誌
    1990年 99 巻 6 号 1165-1166
    発行日: 1990/06/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 栗田 和典
    史学雑誌
    1990年 99 巻 6 号 1164-1165
    発行日: 1990/06/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
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