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  • 渡部 良子
    史学雑誌
    2002年 111 巻 7 号 1-31,143-144
    発行日: 2002/07/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    Dastur al-Katib of Muhammad b. Hindushah Nakhchiwani, a collection of style sheets for official documents of the Jalayirids (the successor dynasty to the Ilkhanids, the Mongol dynasty in Iran during the 13th and 14th centuries), has been regarded as one of most famous Persian insha' literatures (works of prosaic art for letter writing). However, an important question has been ignored why such a voluminous insha' collection was compiled by the official order during the latter half of the Mongol period, when traditional Persian insha' was in decline. In this article, the author discussed peculiar ways of compiling Dastur different from other traditional Persian insha' collections and the influence of Mongol chancellery practices under the Ilkhanids on Persian insha' tradition. The compilation of Dastur was begun in the last years of the Ilkhanids by an official order of the last Ilkan, Abu Sa`id but before its completion the Ilkhanids collapsed, and after 25 years it was resumed and dedicated to the second ruler and real founder of the Jalayirids, Shaykh Uways. Dastur, which consists of 800 style sheets is chaptered in a rare manner compared to other insha' collections; that is, the traditional way of chaptering insha' collections is by categories of documents and letters, but in Dastur the style sheets are categorized by differences in ranks and titles to whom they should be addressed. Though the great volume and pecuriarity of Dastur made it necessary to compilean excerpt entitled al-Irshad fi al-Insha', in which only usual documents, excluding edicts regarding Mongol officials, are chaptered in the traditional way, Dastur was designed to be a complete collection of style sheets for the Jalayirids ; and the last chapter of Dastur, which contains directions on how to use the collection, insists that chapters and style sheets must not be modified or deleted, and if new formats for official documents become necessary, they must be composed in the same way as the other style sheets and added to the collection. There is a similar collection of style sheets in the Ilkhanids chancellery system in the collection of formats for official letters compiled after Ghazan Khan's reform. Ghazan Khan, who desired khan's own supervision over the chancellery system to be strengthened, compiled a collection of formats for all kinds of official letters accredited by him entitled Dastur a1-Umur, and ordered the chancellery to compose and issue all official documents according to its style sheets. Therefore, Dastur which was compiled soon after the establishment of Jalayirid rule under Shaykh Uways, can be said to have played the same role as the Ilkhanid Dastur al-Umur ; and as for the chancellery system that the Jalayirids took over from the Ilkhanids system, Dastur is amalgam of the Ilkhanid Mongol chancellery practices and the Persian insha' tradition.
  • 今澤 浩二
    オリエント
    1990年 33 巻 1 号 113-123
    発行日: 1990/09/30
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 渡部 良子
    オリエント
    2003年 46 巻 2 号 197-224
    発行日: 2003年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    In the history of the Persian art of insha' (the epistolary art for the official and private correspondence), the Mongol period (from the 13th century to the later 14th century) has been regarded as an age of stylistic regression between the Saljugid and the Timurid periods. This report, through the analysis of some Persian insha' manuals written in the Mongol period, throws light on the continuity and development of the Persian insha' tradition under the Mongol rule, and how it coexisted with the Mongol chancellery system.
    In the insha' manuals of the Mongol period, it is observed that the way of Persian letter-writing had become more complicated since the Saljugid period. The structure of ideal letters explained in some manuals in the 14th century was more fractionalized than that in those of the 13th century and very similar to the style in the Timurid period. Even some forms that had been considered incorrect became predominant during the period in order to show extreme respect to distinguished addressees.
    Even under the rule of the Mongol chancellery, the writers of insha' manuals kept the traditional forms of drafting official documents, concentrating on genres of documents which needed the literary skill of insha', like deeds of appointment to religious ranks. At the same time, for many literates, writing of insha' manuals was regarded as a suitable way to display their literary skill and to win their patrons' favor.
    On the other hand, the insha' writers understood some concepts of the Mongol chancellery in the context of their own insha' tradition and accepted a portion of them positively. For example, the practice of Mongol edicts of writing words with holy or royal referents jutting into the upper margin was very agreeable for them because of its similarity to the convention of Persian letter writing that the name of honorable persons must be written in the upper part of letters. They adapted it by writing honarable words jutting into the right margin.
    We can conclude that under the Mongol rule the Persian insha' tradition continued developing and prepared for the flowering of the art in the Timurid period.
  • 内陸アジア史研究
    2016年 31 巻 246-256
    発行日: 2016/03/31
    公開日: 2017/05/26
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 渡部 良子
    日本中東学会年報
    1997年 12 巻 185-216
    発行日: 1997/03/31
    公開日: 2018/03/30
    ジャーナル フリー

    During 13-14th century in Iran under the Ilkhanids, it has been noted that Iranian local societies were independent because Mongols were unable to control their settled societies. This was in particular emphasized in the south-west part of Iran, where many local ruling families had semi-independent dominance. But, what kind of administrative policy and system the Ilkhanids had toward such local societies is still obscure. Fars, one of the south-west regions of Iran, had some noticeable characteristic which were different from such a general understanding. First, it was financially important for the Ilkhanids. Second, the local ruling family Salghurids, was abolished in its earlier stage. And lastly, after collapse of the Ilkhanids, a new ruling family, the Injuids appeared. Although the Ilkhanids fiscal administration in Fars was studied by Dr. A. K. S. Lambton, her study was limited to listing of the confused aspects of Mongol fiscal control. Therefore in this paper, I have presented the analysis of (I) the processes of establishment of Ilkhanids' administrative system and policy in Fars, (II) the characteristics of the system and policy, (III) the background of the emergence of the Injuids, and (IV) the relationship between the Ilkhanids' rule and Shiraz society. Mongol administrative and fiscal system were first introduced to Fars by Salghurid atabeks, who were recognized their rule and established the relationship with the Ilkhans' family by marriage; Then various new taxes which the Mongols introduced to Iran, and the crown land inju were established. After the diminishment of the Salghurids' power, Fars was put under control of the governors(hakims) who were sent from the central government. But those who played the most important role in controlling Fars were the merchants of the Indian Ocean trade, the Sawamilis, rulers of Qays Island in Persian Gulf. They emerged because of the importance of Shiraz (the capital of Fars) in trade route between the Indian Ocean and inland regions of Iran, and Ilkhanids' strong interest in commercial wealthes. On their cooperation, muqata' ah system, the Ilkhanids' basic tax-collecting method had a great effect. But on the other hand, the relationship between the Sawamili who were the outsiders in the local society of Fars and other diwan officers who were in charge of tax-collecting was never free from hard conflicts. During the reign of seventh Ilkhan Ghazan, Ilkhanids' policy to Fars changed. First, though fiscal reform in Fars failed, Fars got more importance because its inju lands were Ghazan's own property. Second, since Sawamilis' Qays was defeated by Hurmuz which administratively belonged to Kirman, Sawamilis' contract got less effective in controlling the wealth of the Indian Ocean trade. Because of these changes, after the Sawamilis lost their position in Fars, the Injuids (inju administrators in Fars and bureaucrats of high office in the central government) finally held domination over Fars. In the background of the rise of the Injuids, there were the strict controls over Fars by the central government, and the financial importance of inju land system in the Ilkhanids. Then, the question is what kind of influence such a administrative policy of Ilkhanids had over Shiraz society. We can observe it in the appointment of the qadi al-qudat, and in the charitable activities toward public institutions of Shiraz. The change in three families of the qadi al-qudat of Shiraz in Mongol period, the Tabataba' is, the Baydawis and the Falis, reveals that the Ilkhanids made a lot of the request from Shiraz notables in the appointment of the qadi al-qudat. But Majd al-Din Fali's close and personal relationship with Rashid al-Din, the prime policy maker of the later Ilkhanids, suggests the political role of intellectual circle which Rashid al-Din organized in Ilkhanids'

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  • 今澤 浩二
    オリエント
    1994年 37 巻 1 号 121-136
    発行日: 1994/09/30
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    Kemalpasazade (1468-1534) was born in a military family, but afterwards changed over to the Ulema. He served in Bayezid II, Selim I and Süleyman the Magnificent, and was promoted to the Seyhülislâm, the highest rank of the Ulema. His chronicle in the fluent and elegant Ottoman-Turkish style, Tevârîh-i Âl-i Osmân was composed in the form that each volume (defter) was assigned for one of the Ottoman sultans, and 8 volumes for the reigns from Osman I to Bayezid II were dedicated to Bayezid II in 916/1510-11. After that by the request of Süleyman, 2 volumes for Selim and Süleyman were added, and thus the so-called “Kemalpasazade Tarihi” came into existence in 10 volumes. This work, however, was not appreciated in those days and forgotten by the later Ottoman chroniclers. Since in the latter half of this century Prof. Dr. Serafettin Turan published Kemalpasazade Tarihi, vol. 1, 2 and 7, the importance of this work has been gradually appreciated.
    This paper deals with Kemalpasazade Tarihi, vol. 4 for the reign of Yildirim Bayezid (1389-1403), which still remains a manuscript. The contents and the order of description of this work is fundamentally based on Nesrî's Kitab-i Cihan-nümâ, and also made use of the chronicles in the early ages of the Ottoman Empire, Oruc b. Âdil's and the anonymous Tevârîh-i Âl-i Osmân, etc. On the other hand, however, Kemalpasazade Tarihi, vol. 4 contains much information of its own, which the above-mentioned works do not, and in this point we can say that this work has the great value as historical source. It fully describes the important events, for example, of the murder of Kadi Burhaneddin, the ruler of Sivas, by Kara Yülük Osman, the founder of the Aqqoyunlu Empire, and of the refuge of Aqtav, the influential amir of the Golden Horde, to the Ottoman Empire. And also there are valuable accounts for the activities of Bayezid's son Ertugrul and the generals of the marches (uc beyi).
    From now on, if we make use of these accounts which did not come down to the later historical works, carrying out a further examination of them and confirming their reliableness, it has no doubt that Kemalpasazade Tarihi, vol. 4 is the essential source as well as Aslkpasazade, Nesrî and so on, for the reign of Yildirim Bayezid, the important age for the development of the Ottoman Empire.
  • 今澤 浩二
    史学雑誌
    1990年 99 巻 3 号 309-344,456-45
    発行日: 1990/03/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
    This study attempts to examine early relations between Bayezid the Thunderbolt and Timur in the Five-Years' Campaign (1392-96) by means of considering several situations in Anatolia and Syria, and then analyzing a letter written by Timur to Bayezid. In studying this subject, the author use Bazm u Razm, an Anatolian source, which is little-known in Japan, as well as Ottoman and Timurid sources. The Bazm u Razm proves that Timur's intention for his Five-Years' Campaign was not only to recover the sovereignty of Il-khanid in Iran, but also to rule eastern Anatolia, namely, the former territory of Seljuqid of Rum, which submitted to Il-khanid. With this in mind Timur succeeded in ruling the whole of Iran, but fell into a difficult situation in Anatolia and Syria on account of the resistance of Barquq, the Sultan of the Mamluk Empire, Qadi Burhan al-Din Ahmad, the ruler of Sivas and Toqtamish, the Khan of the Golden Horde. It was in order to deal with such a situation that Timur wrote a letter to Bayezid in March, 1395 that proposed the establishment of friendly relations between the two. Therefore the conventional opinion should be corrected that Timur wrote to Bayezid in order to protect his back in carrying out an expedition to China after the Five-Years' Campaign. And he did not change his attitude toward Bayezid in the Seven-Years' Campaign (1399-1404), either. That is to say, Timur continually tried to seek the friendship of Bayezid and avoid struggling with him. On the other hand, Bayezid was extending his influence over Anatolia, but from the middle of 1393 he began to turn his attention to the situation on the Balkan peninsula, which had developed rapidly by the maneuvers of Venetia and Hungary, and in the beginning of 1394, he moved to Balkan. Under the circumstances Timur appeared in eastern Anatolia. And when Barquq and Burhan al-Din formed an alliance against him, Bayezid also joined it, refusing Timur's offer and strengthening relations with the anti-Timur nations. It is clear, therefore, that Bayezid intended to be hostile to Timur, and moreover, continued taking such an attitude in the Seven-Years' Campaign. But he also concentrated on strengthening his sovereignty over Balkan without taking measures against Timur during his approach, in contrast to Barquq and Burhan al-Din. This leads us to think that Bayezid adopted an intentional policy for Anatolia and Balkan. As for this supposition, however, we must carry out a further examination. In conclusion, we can say that the first relations established between Bayezid and Timur in the Five-Years' Campaign, lasted much longer after that.
  • 菊地 忠純
    史学雑誌
    1985年 94 巻 5 号 854-857
    発行日: 1985/05/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 菟原 卓
    史学雑誌
    1984年 93 巻 5 号 864-867
    発行日: 1984/05/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 碧武 昭男
    オリエント
    1991年 34 巻 2 号 140-148
    発行日: 1991年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 宮脇 淳子
    史学雑誌
    1983年 92 巻 5 号 792-796
    発行日: 1983/05/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 川本 正知
    オリエント
    1991年 34 巻 1 号 65-78
    発行日: 1991/09/30
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • オリエント
    1977年 20 巻 2 号 109-120
    発行日: 1977年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 小野 浩
    内陸アジア史研究
    2009年 24 巻 133-142
    発行日: 2009/03/31
    公開日: 2017/10/10
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 間野 英二
    史学雑誌
    1983年 92 巻 5 号 796-804
    発行日: 1983/05/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 史学雑誌
    1983年 92 巻 10 号 1686-1708
    発行日: 1983/10/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 四日市 康博
    史学雑誌
    2005年 114 巻 4 号 443-472
    発行日: 2005/04/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    Jarruci is generally regarded as a judge; however, the post included not only judicial duties but also management of census registers and fiscal administration. Although the relation of census registers to jarruci has not attract researchers' attention to date, it is a matter of no small importance in the structural fabric of the Mongol Empire. In the Secret History of the Mongols, there is a description of the origin of jarruci. It seems that Cinggis Qan decreed to share out people to his clan and establish jarruci at a time. It shows that the jarruci's two duties were interrelation, that is to apportion qubi (assigned territories, people and possessions) shared out among the imperial princes and to try transgressors by jarru. The nomadic groups multilayeredly formed by sharing among the Cinggised lines and dominant noyans were called ulus. One ulus corresponded to each jarruci's jurisdictional limits. Jarruci's administrative role was closely connected to the structure of the Mongol Empire composed of multilayered uluses. From superordinate ulus to subordinate ulus, sharing olja (spoils) were shared as qubi. At the connecting points of such a multilayered social structure, jarruci apportioned qubi justly, and kept order among the ulus. Jarruci investigated olja and reported the results to the qan of his ulus, then carried out the apportionment of qubi as ordered by the qan. At the same time, jarruci were dispatched from subordinate ulus to superordinate ulus to ensure qubi of his ulus. Jarruci, in other words, redistributed qubi inside their own ulus and as a dispatched offical ensured qubi outside their own ulus. Ulus and ulus, sedentary territories and nomadic territories were connected by jarruci, and thereby the Mongol Empire was able to maintain a certain degree of uniformity as a single state.
  • 堀井 優
    史学雑誌
    2003年 112 巻 5 号 872-878
    発行日: 2003/05/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
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