The purpose of this article is to offer one interpretation of the resolution process of the Cambodian conflict from 1982 till the end of 1991, by using a simple frame of reference focusing on strategic triangles.
The first point of focus is on the interactions between strategic triangles at global, regional and local level. I distinguish between three levels of the systems. The first is the strategic relations of the superpowers (the Soviet Union, China and the United States) at the global level. The second is the strategic relations of countries (Thailand, Vietnam and China) at the regional level. The third is the relations of the domestic political players (PRK, Khmer Rouge, Sihanouk faction and Son Sann faction) at the local level. This paper traces the changing relations at each level through the conflict resolution process of the Cambodian case. In particular, it focuses on the way in which the reconciliation or normalization between superpowers induced the players of regional conflict games to become reconciled with each other.
The second point of focus is on the dynamics of how the regional powers in the regional systems, the so-called middle powers, contributed to the resolution of regional conflicts. In the case of resolution of the Cambodian conflict, Thailand, Indonesia, and Australia played an important role. During the Cold War period, the structure of the superpower conflict restricted the ability of the middle powers to play such a role as an intermediary. However the end of the Cold War enabled the middle powers to play an intermediary role in international relations.
The chronological change of strategic triangles could be described as follows. Phase 1 is the period when the structure of strategic triangles at the start of CGDK was quite predominant. During this period, Vietnam began to change its Cambodian policy and middle powers such as Indonesia and Australia tried to play a role as intermediaries but their efforts ended in failure. During phase 2, some sides of the strategic triangles were ameliorated. For example, the relations between Soviet and China improved slightly and Sihanouk opened a dialogue with Hun Sen. The middle powers like Indonesia and even Thailand tried to set up the place for ‘a dialogue for a dialogue’ between the parties concerned with the Cambodian conflict and succeeded.
Phase 3 symbolizes the détente era when the superpowers improved relations with each other. Gorbachev's visit to Beijing and the Malta summit represented a drastic improvement of strategic relations at global level. Phase 4 began from the time when Australia used the good atmosphere at the global level and offered a framework for peace proposal to the Permanent Five (P5) members of the Security Council of the United Nations. The P5 made a ‘framework for comprehensive political settlement of the Cambodia Conflict’ based on the Australian proposal and pressured the parties concerned, including the Khmer Rouge, to compromise with each other. Then the SNC (Supreme National Council) was set up and the peace proposal was finally agreed to by all factions in Paris in 1991. However behind the curtain of this stage, real politics against the Khmer Rouge evolved until the Hun Sen-Sihanouk coalition was announced at the end of 1991.

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