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  • 瀬川 博義
    法政論叢
    1999年 36 巻 1 号 187-196
    発行日: 1999/11/15
    公開日: 2017/11/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    In the aftermath of the Russo-Turkish war of 1877-78, San Stefano Treaty was signed in March 1878 and granted in dependence to Serbia, Montenegro, and Rumania, and autonomy to a large Bulgarian state. No such provision was either sought or executed for the Armenians. Sultan Abdul Hamid II (1876-1909) believed Muslim superiority in the Ottoman Empire. He determined to annihilate the Armenian nation perfectly, and to sweep away that hated Christianity which provoked Europe to interfere. He feared nineteenth-century Armenian Renaissance, and to abort it he preferred to use force, including massacre. Lepsius mentions that the Armenian massacres were caused by the threats for reforms made by the Great Powers. On the night of 23/24 April 1915, numbers of Armenian political, religious, educational, and intellectual leaders in Constantinople were arrested, deported into Anatolia, and put to death. Minister of Internal Affairs Talaat Pasha ordered Armenian deportation from the war zones to relocation centers-actually the deserts of Syria and Mesopotamia. Armenian soldiers of the Ottoman armies were taken out in groups and murdered. The adult and teenage males were swiftly separated from the deportation caravans and killed immediately under the direction of Young Turk officials and agents, the gendarmerie. Women and children who were drive for weeks over mountains and deserts, often dehumanized by being stripped naked and repeatedly preyed upon and abused. About 1,500,000 of the Armenians have been slaughtered by Sultan Abdul Hamid II, The Young Turks and Nationalists in 1894-1923. The survivors of the Ottoman-Armenian were condemned to a life of exile and dispersion and could not help being resigned to inevitable acculturation and assimilation all over the world. The writer's aim in this paper is to raise the following three questions: What happened? Why did it happen? And what might be leaned from the Armenian case?
  • 史学雑誌
    1987年 96 巻 12 号 1924-1940
    発行日: 1987/12/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 新井 政美
    史学雑誌
    1984年 93 巻 4 号 467-509,583-58
    発行日: 1984/04/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
    Unlike most of West European nation-states, the nationalism of non-Western countries, as Hans Kohn put it with a clear insight, "grew in protest and in conflict with the existing state pattern". Such conflict between the political integration of an existing state and the national integration of a rising nationality also existed in Turkish nationalism. There were two groups of people who supported Turkish nationalism : the Ottoman Turks who were rulers of the Ottoman Empire, and Turkic peoples under Russian rule. The most urgent problem for the latter was to free themselves from the czarist rule. On the other hand, as long as the Ottoman Empire existed, preserving the political integration of the Empire should be the most important consideration for the rulers. Now, one of the distinctive characters of Turkish nationalism becomes clear ; it was a nationalism that purgued two different interests : interests of the state (political integration) and those of nation (national integration). These two interests were not in complete accord. Consequently, the Ottoman Empire and the Turkish nation must be regarded as the keys to analysis of Turkish nationalism. We have to examine the formation and development of nationalist movements both inside and outside the Ottoman Empire, making a comparison among them. In this paper, I will analyze the Genc Kalemler (Young Pens), a nationalist periodical published in Salonica, and the first center of the Ottoman Turkish nationalism after the 1908 revolution. Nationalists who issued this periodical stuck to the political integration of the Ottoman state. They regarded it as more urgent than the national integration of the Turkish nation. Then, how should we interpret such characteristics of the Ottoman Turkish nationalism? Political integration requires a center of power which becomes its nucleus. All the people in the territory, the object of the integration, are united under this power. It was the Ottoman Turks who were expected to become the nucleus for reconstructing the Ottoman state. If they discovered their national identity as Turks, which had been lost for a long time, the political integration of the state would be facilitated. Our next theme is how the characteristics of the Ottoman Turkish nationalism, the idea of the leaders of the Genc Kalemler, appeared in the Turk Dernegi (Turkish Association) and the Turk Yurdu (Turkish Homeland). These organizations were mainly supported by the Turks from Russia. We must analyze them in our next paper.
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