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  • 18世紀末から19世紀前半におけるトンキンのキリスト教社会
    牧野 元紀
    東南アジア -歴史と文化-
    2006年 2006 巻 35 号 3-21
    発行日: 2006/05/30
    公開日: 2010/02/25
    ジャーナル フリー
    The catechists were involved in various activities; they belonged to the Société des Missions Étrangères de Paris (MEP) in a province of North Vietnam called Tonkin, and they were not limited to the ordinary functions of simple preachers of catechism. After the dissolution of the Society of Jesus in the latter half of the 18th century, with authorization from Rome, the hierarchy and functions of the MEP catechists developed in a range of unique ways in the Vicariate Apostolic of Western Tonkin.
    The Tonkinese Christians always paid their respects to the highly-ranked catechists who were literate not only in Christian dogma and rites, but also in the world of the traditional Sino-Vietnamese classics. It was the catechists who gave moral education to these Christians and connected them with the non-Christian villagers by means of their intellectual influence in the local communities of North Vietnam.
    However, in the view of European missionaries and Tonkinese priests, the catechists had never broken free of their hierarchically determined position as followers or simple servants and became increasingly entrenched in this position from the end of the 18th century onwards.
    The gradual tendency for catechists to be subordinated to their superiors became more widespread with the increase in their numbers and the accomplishments of the local clergy system in the Vicariate Apostolic of Western Tonkin.
    By the early 19th century, most low-ranked catechists had already become almost mechanical in their actions. They worked in the “Maison de Dieu” of each parish, which offered food, clothing, education, and shelter to displaced people and refugees from the civil wars and famines caused by natural disasters such as droughts and floods. Candidates for such catechist work were not primarily motivated by religious reasons.
    Though the catechists in the Vicariate Apostolic of Western Tonkin seem to have lost their early high status, they continued to act within Christian communities as indispensable intermediaries between European missionaries or Tonkinese priests and local Christian villagers. Their role cannot be considered negligible when we consider the tenacity and flexibility of Vietnamese Christian communities, which survived severe persecutions perpetrated by the Nguyen dynasty under the French military invasion in the mid 19th century.
  • 岩月 純一
    東南アジア -歴史と文化-
    1995年 1995 巻 24 号 3-24
    発行日: 1995/06/01
    公開日: 2010/02/25
    ジャーナル フリー
    A language cannot exist without the notion that “we” all speak the same unified language. This notion is conceptualized and formulated as part of a speaker's social identity, which may change as a result of a rearrangement of this notion. In this paper, we examine some articles about Vietnamese language in Tap chi Nam Phong (hereafter abbreviated as NP), which was one of the most influential journals in Vietnam in the 1920's. At that time, quoc-ngu (the Vietnamese writing system based on roman script) was rapidly gaining status as the official language of Vietnam, despite skeptical views from two strong linguistic hegemonies supporting more prestigious written languages: classical Chinese and French. In analyzing discourses on NP, the notion of a unified language can be seen, it is possible to observe the typical Vietnamese intellectual's attitude about language. This notion in turn can be transformed by their selection of national identity.
    Since the general policy of NP was to protect and promote the “unique” Vietnamese culture and language, it insisted on the protection and enrichment of quoc-ngu still regarded as “patois” (vulgar language) by traditional literati. But this “uniqueness”, for the writers on The Journal, also included Chinese classical literature and ethics, and the writers were convinced that it was necessary for quocngu to be supported by the rich expressiveness of classical Chinese. In 1919, refuting Nguyen Hao Vinh who criticized NP for using numerous unfamiliar Chinese vocabulary, Pham Quynh, the chief editor of The Journal, noted that classical Chinese should be taught in Vietnam because it was not only China's own but the common literature of the “Orient”, including Vietnam, and that Chinese vocabulary should be used as an indispensable component of the Vietnamese language. He tried to transform the traditional view on language, that is, classical Chinese vs. patois, into a new contrast between Chinese vocabulary and the “vulgar” (non-Chinese and non-Western) one in the sole dignified Vietnamese, so that the existing prestige of classical Chinese could be directly absorbed by the “new” Vietnamese. Such a transformation of the notion of language was concealed by the terminology used in discourses on NP, where a new concept “Annamese” (tieng An Nam) was invented to refer the whole system (the existing term “patois” [tieng nom] was left for indicating the “vulgar” vocabulary), while the whole system, characters and vocabulary of classical Chinese were never distinguished at all. Such terminology enabled the writers to refer to the new contrast with the same terms as before under the assumption that the Vietnamese language had an uninterrupted tradition.
    Interestingly enough, as for the notion of language of the writers on NP, only Chinese vocabulary was regarded as the core of “uniqueness” in the holified “Vietnamese language”, while Chinese characters were completely excluded. They insisted that Chinese characters should be instructed not in Vietnamese but in classical Chinese at public schools. Moreover, roman letters, which had originally been alien symbols, were integrated into the Vietnamese language without any questions. Both Chinese vocabulary and the “vulgar” one should be spelled with the same unified writing system, the writers believed, so that they might be blended into one unified quoc-ngu. In comparing such a notion with that of Japan and Korea, both categorized as being in the Chinese cultural sphere, a vast difference can be seen between these three examples. Japanese and Korean intellectuals generally paid attention to the distinction between scripts as the marker indicating their national identity, and each regarded Chinese characters in Japan and
  • 木谷 建太, 中川 武
    日本建築学会計画系論文集
    2015年 80 巻 711 号 1197-1203
    発行日: 2015年
    公開日: 2015/06/24
    ジャーナル フリー
     Through the chaotic time under the Provisional Revolutionary Government of the Republic of South Vietnam and the confusion of the Vietnam War, the systematized techniques including the name of each components of the Imperial Palaces and culture has lost.
     This research is done basing upon the materials prior to the fall of Nguyen, the historical documents granted by the Emperor, and the glossary gathered through the interviewing the traditional carpenters.
     The aim of this paper is to grasp the changes and adaptions of the architectural term by comparing the name of chinese character with the name of vietnamese-specific language.
  • 小峯 和明, 佐野 みどり, 東野 治之, 平野 由紀子, 今西 祐一郎
    中古文学
    2007年 79 巻 13-54
    発行日: 2007/06/05
    公開日: 2019/05/18
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ―『水滸伝』の近世的変容を例にして
    田中 優子
    比較文学
    1989年 31 巻 43-53
    発行日: 1989/03/31
    公開日: 2017/06/17
    ジャーナル フリー

     “Sui-Hu-Zhuan” has many variants throughout East Asia including Japan. “Sui-Hu-Hou-Zhuan” is the one, which was written after 1661 in Qing dynasty of China. This story begins from where “Sui-Hu-Zhuan” story ends, and tells the continuation of the latter. The remaining gangsters of “Sui-Hu-Zhuan” reassembled again to fight with Nuzhen Race. After the fight, the story tells, the gangsters went out from China and arrived in Thailand.

     Then in Thailand, they had to fight with Tibetans, Myao Race, and then with a group of Siamese Subjects who employed the Japanese mercenaries for taking aim at the throne. In this story, some images permeated with historical characteristics of the different ages appear. One example of these can be found in the image of Japanese warriors. It reflects behaviors of the Japanese during 14th to 17th century. The other example can be found in the mixed images of Southeast Asian Countries engaged in successive wars to the throne, which involved overseas Chinese merchants together with some Chinese Subjects of fallen Han Race Dynasties. This is to say, that the story reflects, using the framework of “Sui-Hu-Zhuan”, the Asian recognition and sentiment toward the Era of the Great world Trade and Navigation.

     Similarly, early modern Japan had “Onna-Suiko-Den” written after “Sui-Hu- Zhuan”. According to this story, Japanese male and female gangsters went to Persia, where they attempted to do business. But male gangsters were captured by both Persians and Japanese, so women fought and helped them. This story also reflects the Era and the change of economy from agriculture to commerce. Generally speaking, we often find in Japanese variants the themes related with commerce, and replacement of male characters by the female.

     Early Modern Korea also had a variant of “Sui-Hu-Zhuan” It was named “Hong-Gil-Dong-Jong”. Hong-Gil-Dong was an illegitimate child. He was about to be killed, and escaped from home. Then he became a leader of gangsters and went out of the country to an uninhabited island, where he made a utopian country. Finally, he became a king of another larger and civilized island.

     The author of this story Ho Gyun, who was an anti-confucianist, was killed because of suspicion of a revolutionary plan. “Hong-Gil-Dong-Jong” has the inclination to the idea of Korean Jitsugaku (a school of pragmatic thought) in 18th century. This also can be understood as reflecting the progress of commodity circulation and the growth of commerce, which Confucianism had prohibited. All of these cases of China, Korea and Japan were the products of change in economic basis and consciousness in Asia in the Era of Navigation.

  • ―忌田を中心に―
    宮沢 千尋
    アジア・アフリカ地域研究
    2016年 15 巻 2 号 208-233
    発行日: 2016/03/31
    公開日: 2016/04/20
    ジャーナル フリー
    While the property rights of men and women have been the cause of disputes in pre-modern Vietnam, many scholars have paid attention only to the quantity of land divided between men and women. Of the property for ancestor worship, scholars have paid attention only to ‘fire and incense’ (hương hỏa), a kind of property for ancestor worship inherited by mainly men. To better understand women’s status in Vietnamese society much, this article examines the inheritance of another kind of property for ancestor worship-anniversary rice fields (kỵ điền)-and women’s role in ancestor worship. In pre-modern Vietnam, daughters sometimes received equal rights of ownership or cultivation of anniversary rice fields as sons. In exchange for receiving anniversary rice fields, daughters had duties to worship their ancestors. Parents sometimes stipulated in testaments that both sons and daughters should fulfill the duty of ancestor worship equally and forever. Even after marrying out, daughters continued to fulfill their duties of worship with their husband and children or grand-children. In some cases, children and grand-children inherited their mother’s anniversary rice fields in order to continue to worship their mother’s ancestors, contrary to the Confucian patrilineal norm. From the anthropological point of view, this phenomenon also represents an ancestor-centered kinship idea similar to cognatic stock, rather than an ego-centered idea such as kindred.
  • 袴田 博之
    日本印刷学会誌
    2019年 56 巻 1 号 8-13
    発行日: 2019年
    公開日: 2019/03/15
    ジャーナル フリー

    In information technology, it had been problem how to handle text data expressed as handwritten or printed matter. Today, with the global progress of information technology, text data has been changing to be expressed using information technology from the beginning. To ensure interoperability of text data, it is important to standardize the universal character set. This paper describes the trends in the standardization of universal character sets, focusing on Kanji and Emoji.

  • 植田 憲, 朴 燦一, 宮崎 清
    デザイン学研究
    2001年 48 巻 3 号 77-86
    発行日: 2001/09/30
    公開日: 2017/07/19
    ジャーナル フリー
    本稿では、北ベトナム・ニンビン省において進められている「ベトナム伝統工芸村」設立計画を取りあげた。フィールド調査、資料解析に基づき、内発的発展論の観点から当該工芸村の設立に向けた指針を抽出した。北ベトナムにおける伝統的工芸の現状と課題を解析した結果、以下の指針が得られた。(1)北ベトナムにおいて振興が期待される12の伝統的工芸品目のうち、ニンビン省の工芸村においては、省内で継承されている4品目の振興を図る。(2)工芸村は、伝統的工芸技術の伝承・発掘・創新の拠点であるとともに、伝統的工芸を核とした地域間および異業種間の連携・交流の拠点としての機能を担う。(3)工芸村の設立・運営においてはエコロジカルな理念を堅持し、かつ、各種地域資源の全体活用を実践する。伝統的工芸品が村を単位として生産されているベトナムにおいては、4品目を一ヶ所に集めて展開される工芸村は、国内における地域連携のモデルでもある。また、その工芸村は、広くアジア諸地域とも連携し、その運営・展開が図られる必要がある。
  • [記載なし]
    日本文学
    2004年 53 巻 4 号 30-45
    発行日: 2004/04/10
    公開日: 2017/08/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ――安興碑文の分析――
    八尾 隆生
    東南アジア研究
    1995年 33 巻 2 号 143-168
    発行日: 1995/09/30
    公開日: 2018/01/31
    ジャーナル フリー
    In Yen Hung sub-prefecture, An Bang province (now Quang Ninh province), Vietnam, two inscriptions from the fifteenth century record a survey of newly reclaimed land and the dealings of the Le govenment.
     During the reign of emperor Le Thanh Tong, an administrative system was established consisting of the capital, provinces, prefectures, sub-prefectures, and villages.
     These inscriptions record two interesting matters. One is the significance of the governor of the sub-prefecture. Another is the significance of the high-ranking officials sent from the capital. Little mention is made of the governor of the province.
     An Bang was one of the outlying provinces, and because of this, the civil governor of the province was engaged in many military affairs. This situation is reflected in the inscriptions.
     In this paper, I examine only one province, but according to Vietnamese chronicles, the same tendency can be seen in the whole state. So I would like to propose the following interpretation.
     During the reign of emperor Le Thanh Tong, large-scale reclamation plans were carried out in many provinces, and this led to many small reclamation works by aristocrats and peasants. So the governors of sub-prefectures had to deal with many and various problems. But the government did not want to empower them to do so. Moreover, the provincial governors could not adequately supervise them because of their heavy workload. To solve the situation, the government sent high-ranking officials from the capital.
  • 林 英昭, 中川 武, レ・ヴィン・アン
    日本建築学会計画系論文集
    2009年 74 巻 643 号 2107-2114
    発行日: 2009/09/30
    公開日: 2010/01/22
    ジャーナル フリー
    The identification method for the components of the traditional wooden architecture in the Central Vietnam is characterized by the 'Gian-Chái/Dam-Quyet' method that is based on its structure style of column and slanting beam 'Kèo'. Firstly, the joint of column and slanting beam has to fix on the ground before detail making of the slanting beam. Secondly their total view on the architecture consists of the one set of the longitude section and the parts of it. This identification method has been suited to their carpentry process and shows their carpentry production idea that the architectural space is composed by several pairs of the column and slanting beam. Because this method is based on the architecture style and carpentry process, it can be said quite natural or primitive one. On the other hand, the applicability of this method is not as wide as the method in the Middle Age of Japan.
  • 林 泉忠
    アジア研究
    2007年 53 巻 2 号 110-114
    発行日: 2007/04/30
    公開日: 2014/09/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 英宝社、一九九〇年八月
    清水 孝純
    比較文学
    1991年 33 巻 115-119
    発行日: 1991/03/31
    公開日: 2017/07/31
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 多賀 良寛
    社会経済史学
    2017年 83 巻 1 号 91-114
    発行日: 2017年
    公開日: 2019/05/25
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 小峯 和明
    日本文学
    2013年 62 巻 4 号 2-9
    発行日: 2013/04/10
    公開日: 2018/04/14
    ジャーナル フリー

    前近代の写本時代の書物とリテラシーを考えるために、最も基底をなしたと思われる〈法会文芸〉の基幹資料である小型冊子の「説草」を中心に検討した。「説草」の文体ともいえる「片仮名小書き体」の意義や聞書の役割にふれ、語りと文字筆録の拮抗する表現指向を取り出し、その延長に『今昔物語集』の形成を跡づけ、訳経の現場との関連性にも言及、さらに書物として忘れられた巻子の絵巻の意義を強調、『天狗草紙』を例に絵巻と「説草」の連関もとらえ、最後に東アジアの漢文文化圏における「説草」の存在にも説き及び、近代的な書物観を「書き物」としての書物に変換する方途を提起した。

  • 片野 英一
    日本の教育史学
    2002年 45 巻 181-198
    発行日: 2002/10/01
    公開日: 2017/06/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 田中 政幸
    研究紀要
    2012年 37 巻 69-62
    発行日: 2012/03/09
    公開日: 2016/12/26
    研究報告書・技術報告書 フリー
  • 小峯 和明
    中世文学
    2019年 64 巻 33-42
    発行日: 2019年
    公開日: 2020/08/03
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ――二〇世紀初頭におけるベトナム芸術をめぐる二つの「ルネサンス」――
    二村 淳子
    比較文学
    2016年 58 巻 39-53
    発行日: 2016/03/31
    公開日: 2018/10/30
    ジャーナル フリー

    Dans les années 1920 et 1930, eurent lieu deux 《renaissances》des arts vietnamiens. La première est revendiquée par les Français, la seconde par les intellectuels vietnamiens. L'objectif de cet article est d'examiner cette dernière, c'est-a-dire la《Renaissance annamite》qui, jusqu'ici, n'avait fait l'objet d'aucune recherche académique.

    Dans quel contexte et suivant quelle logique la première et la second 《renaissance》 ont elles été élaborées ? J'accorderai une importance particulière à un article de ng Qu –《Il y a une Renaissance annamite》 – publié en 1932 dans la revue Nam Phong. Ce texte prend valeur de manifeste. M'appuyant sur l'hypothèse qu'il s'agit d'une réponse à la 《renaissance》 imposée par les autorités françaises, j'en mettrai à jour la portée historique.

    Une étude comparative entre les deux 《renaissances》 permettra de dégager les spécificités de la 《Renaissance annamite》. Il se révèle que cette dernière a eu pour fonction de retrouver les 《origines》 culturelles du Vietnam selon le modèle de la Renaissance en France au 16ème siècle.

    Cette étude a pour ambition de montrer que la 《Renaissance annamite》 est un outil de libération, une forme culturelle de résistance, née à l'intérieur même de la 《renaissance imposée》.

  • ―東アジアにおける「古典」の創出と近代化―
    二村 淳子
    比較文学
    2014年 56 巻 20-34
    発行日: 2014/03/31
    公開日: 2017/06/07
    ジャーナル フリー

     L'objectif de cette article est de présenter le concept de modernisation chez Phạm Quỳnh (1892-1945), un érudit vietnamien qui était un ministre de l'empereur Bao Dai. Quynh a fait la proposition d'un plan culturel de “Renaissance Annamite” en 1922.

     La raison pour laquelle je compare les pensées de Quynh avec celles de Kakuzo Okakura (1863-1913), c'est que ce concept historique de “Renaissance” est commun dans leurs pensées, qu'il y joue un rôle important. Pour comprendre l'idée de Quynh, il me semble utile d'observer ce qu'ils partagaient.

     Pour démontrer la conception de Quynh, l'approche suivante a été adoptée : cette article s'articule autour de trois chapitres.

     Le premier chapitre évoque le dilemme que représente pour Quynh et Okakura l'esthétique Gréco-Romaine qui était considérée à l'époque de l'occidentalisation de Extrême-Orient comme le seul canon existant.

     Le deuxième chapitre est consacré à analyser les sens de cette “Renaissance” qu'ils appellent de leurs voeux pour moderniser leur pays.

     Le troisième chapitre expose les idéaux et l'étendue de cette “Renaissance”. Par la suite, on constate que Quynh a essayé de créer des valeurs classiques propres à l'Extrême-Orient selon ce concept.

     Les résultats de cette étude montrent que leur “Renaissance” est un avantprojet pour réaliser la modernisation idéale de leur pays. Ce n'était pas un moyen essentialiste, cherchant à déterminer des caractéristiques fondamentales, mais au contraire, une méthode pour créer une identité culturelle propre à leur pays permettant d'ouvrir une nouvelle ère et un nouveau style culturel mettant en valeur les diversités civilisationelles.

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