The cycle of Sts. George, Jerome and Tryphon for the Scuola Dalmata was executed by Vittore Carpaccio in ca. 1502-1511. The Vision of St. Augustine of the cycle is based on the apocryphal letters. Compared with the examples of same subject and the representations of the other study, it reveals that this work is different from the traditional iconography. The setting of study and chapel focused on both the contemplative life and the daily work of bishop. It finds also the details which demonstrate a kind of collectionism. These become the factors which remind anyone's portrait. When we concern on this problem, it's important to see it in the patronal context. The production of the cycle has been inspired by the donation of the relic by Paolo Vallaresso, and it's also important to remember that Maffeo Vallaresso is the archbishop of Zara. He is the humanist-ecclesiastic, interested with the art, which recorded in his letters. On considering these factors, the setting of study and art-conscious details, in the contemporary context, so it can say that the St. Augustine's study is intended to allude the intellectual and ecclesiastical figure of Maffeo Vallaresso.

抄録全体を表示

The objective of this article is to show one case of realizing the idea of "International Understanding through Art Education" that appears in the government curriculum guidelines for junior high school. From this viewpoint, western painting based on Christianity, which seems to be difficult to understand for the average Japanese, is picked as a learning subject. The author proposes "Linkage-Based Art Appreciation, " referring to the chain-like concordance method of the Bible, "Shinkaiyaku Seisho, " as a model for an instructional strategy for deeply appreciating western painting. Its main concept is to connect various works one after another in netlike directions, using motives, the characters, stories, Christian doctrinal themes, colors or compositions as nodes for linkage. Through this, learners might deepen their Biblical understanding and it is also an important part of this learning. In this article, the author shows a definite plan to link up five representative pieces of western painting and gives three instances of his art classes at both elementary and junior high schools and a culture center.

抄録全体を表示

Owing to its unique construction, Botticelli's "Adoration of the Magi" in the Uffizi is distinguished from his other works of the same theme. Five of his "Adoration" paintings still survive, and they consist of various pictorial elements-Holly Family, three Magi, "a great multitude and a noble following" after Pseudo-Bonaventura's <Meditations>, horses, trees, ruins, buildings and so on. Among his "Adoration"s, the work in the Uffiizi has smaller number of horses than others and lacks "a great multitude", trees and buildings (see Table 1). Although the works in The National Gallery, London, and in National Gallery of Art, Washington, have the similar construction, "Adoration" in the Uffizi, which was painted between those two, has a considerable difference in construction. Besides, the composition of "Adoration" in the Uffizi is compressed in both sides. And again, one of the several vanishing points of its own linear perspective falls below the lower side of the picture. These mentioned facts lead us to assume that the sides of "Adoration" in the Uffizi were probably cut off from the original picture. The lost parts must have contained all those pictorial elements lacking in the present "Adoration" in the Uffizi.

抄録全体を表示

L'Adorazione dei Magi del Botticelli (n. 1890-882) che si trova nella Galleria degli Uffizi a Firenze e l'opera su cui il Vasari, nella sua 'La Vita di Sandro Botticelli', piu a lungo si sofferma e da lui piu di ogni altra lodata. Quest'Adorazione dei Magi fu commissionata all'inizio degli anni 70 del Quattrocento a Botticelli da Guasparre dal Lama, sensale de' cambi dell'Arte del Cambio di Firenze, per porla nella sua nuova cappella nella chiesa di Santa Maria Novella a Firenze. Questa tavola d'altare era rimasta nella Cappella per circa un secolo fino all' incirca al mese d'agosto 1575. Trasferita poi in un'altra localita sconosciuta, se ne persero le tracce. Fu il 13 maggio 1796 che la stessa fu ritrovata nella Villa Medicea a Poggio Imperiale da cui fu trasferita nella Galleria degli Uffizi. Ci da notizia di questo trasferimento l'etichetta apposta sul retro della tavola. In base al contenuto del dipinto e ai documenti il presente saggio si propone di individuare la collocazione originale di questa tavola nella chiesa di Santa Maria Novella. Herbert P. Horne, uno studioso assai acuto del Botticelli, sostenne per primo nella sua famosa monografia del 1908 che questa tavola d'altare era collocata "not as Vasari says to the left, but to the right, of the middle door of the facade on entering the church". Horne ha negato l'opinione del Vasari secondo il quale la tavola era collocata "fra le due porte nella facciata principale della chiesa nello entrare per la porta del merzo a sinistra", attribuendola ad un errore di memoria del Vasari. A partire da quel momento in poi, la descrizione del Vazari e sempre stata contestata. Molti storici dell'arte come Hatfield (1976), Lightbown (1978) ed altri hanno accettato predissequamente l'opinione del Horne. Ma veramente la memoria del Vasari e in errore? Per quanto riguarda i documenti riferibili al periodo in cui questa tavola era rimasta nella chiesa, si trovano tuttora i seguenti : il <<Memoriale di molte statue et picture>> di F. Albertini (1510), <<il libro di Antonio Billi>> (1481-1536/37), <<il codice dell'Anonimo Gaddiano>> (1542-48), <<la prima edizone>> di Vasari (1550) e <<la seconda>> (1568). Ma tutti tranne il Vasari si limitano ad affermare brevemente che la tavola era collocata "fra le porte" oppure "e acanto alla porta del mezo". Nel <<Sepolcrario della Chiesa di S. M^a. Novella di Firenze>> scritto nel 1617, quando questa tavola d'altare era gia scomparsa, troviamo la seguente collocazione : "Fra due porte, cioe fra la porta del mezzo, e la porta verso S. Benedetto (questa e nell'entrare per la porta del mezzo a destra)". Ed anche Vincenzo Fineschi riferisce, ne <<Il Forestiero Istruito in Santa Maria Novella>> (1836), che : "all'entrare a mano destra". Secondo il <<Sepolcrario>>, Horne ha confutato l'opinione del Vasari. Ma quando il <<Sepolcrario>> fu scritto, questa tavola era gia scomparsa. Di conseguenza lo scrittore del <<Sepolcrario>> non aveva potuto vederla. Al contrario, mentre il Vasari lavorava al restauro della chiesa per ordine di Cosimo I dal 1565 al 1571, questa tavola era ancora nella sua originale collocazione. Questo fatto puo indurci necessariamente a pensare che Vasari, in quanto direttore, abbia frequentato la chiesa. Siccome le descrizioni del Vasari della prima edizione (1550) e della seconda non cambiarono per quanto riguarda la collocazione di questa tavola del Botticelli, l'opinione di Horne che Vasari si sia ricordato male e un errore. In questo saggio ho indicato gli errori della teoria ormai accreditata presso gli studiosi di Horne e dimostrato la ragione delle descrizioni del Vasari per riesaminare

(View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)

抄録全体を表示

In this paper, I investigate El Greco's St. Ildefonso, currently placed at the Chapel of the Hospital of Charity in Illescas. This was painted in his most prolific stage, around 1600. Until recently the details of the commission issued to El Greco have not been obvious. Here, I present a tentative plan concerning the ditails of the commission of St Ildefonso, examining the relationship between El Greco and Salazar de Mendoza, a patron of El Greco. First, I focus on how St. Ildefonso is depicted as a Church Father, or author/scholar figure, which differs from the general representation of St. Ildefonso which portrays him receiving the chasuble, or dressed as an archbishop. I demonstrate how that El Greco's Ildefonso resembles the figure of St. Jerome in his study and I examine the description on St. Jerome and St. Ildefonso in Mendoza's work El Glorioso San Ildefonso…(1618), thus adding evidence for the likelihood of an influence from Mendoza. Moreover, I suggest a close connection between Charity and Mendoza. This is evident from the fact that El Greco and Charity both signed a contract for the retable at the Hospital Tavera, of which Mendoza was administrator. The goal of this paper is to present the details of the commission of St. Ildefonso, considering the intervention of Mendoza, an Toledan.

抄録全体を表示

本稿では,立川泰史,吉野法行,N*CAP(メンバー:内藤隆ら),吉川登が,鑑賞学習の実践・理論から提起した指針を参考とし,「読解的鑑賞」に関し論考を展開する中で,その内容・方法を明瞭化した。マギ礼拝画を扱う米国の関連先行2題材も分析し,異文化交流・国際理解的視点から,非キリスト教圏という日本の文化的事情も勘案し,ジャンティーレ・ダ・ファブリアーノの同題画の題材化を検討した。マギ礼拝のテキスト(主文献はマタイ 2:12)も再考し,終盤で,前稿に示した7段階で組む授業プランと共に,読解の核となる「時間構造(併せて時間的要素を絵画化する方略)」を作例から抽出し一覧化した表を掲げた。単発でなく長期的な指導計画を視野に入れた研究も必要と論じ,G.ハバードの「ストランド」にも触れた。

抄録全体を表示

E.B.フェルドマンの4段階批評鑑賞法を再編した,6段階鑑賞法を前提に,読解的鑑賞にとり最も主幹的なパートとなる解釈段階を集中的に考察した。6段階鑑賞法は,(1)観察+記述,(2)視覚的分析,(3)解釈,(4)調べ学習,(5)再解釈,(6)評価(判断)の6パートで成る。本稿の新規事項は,解釈段階を「自由解釈,テキスト準拠型鑑賞,図像学的読解」の3部門で組み立てるべく,3種読解法を重点的に論じ,個々特徴を明らかとしたことである。ここが本稿中心部となる。対象作品は,ヒューホ・ファン・デル・フース「ポルティナーリ祭壇画」とした。論考後,学習プログラムの最適化が必要と判断し,(3)を自由解釈が特化したパートに変え,テキスト準拠型鑑賞と図像学的読解は(4)のメイン・メソッドと位置付け,続く(5)を前段階終盤に合流させ,5段階に圧縮する案を示し,今後の課題とした。

抄録全体を表示