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  • 森山 央朗
    史学雑誌
    2004年 113 巻 8 号 1339-1371
    発行日: 2004/08/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    Nishapur, a western city in Khurasan, flourished between the 4/10th and 6/12th centuries as one of the central cities for intellectuals in the Islamic World. The author of the present article uses The Histories of Nishapur which were compiled between the latter half of the 4/10th century and the beginning of the 6/12th century in order to analyze quantitatively place names mentioned accounts of the academic careers of 2539 'ulama' contained in the Histories. In the analyses, he examines how changes occurred in the travel patterns of 'ulama', centering around Nishapur, between the 2/8th to 6/12th centuries, and traces the process of the establishment of Islamic knowledge in Nishapur and Khurasan. He also discusses the transition that took place in Nishapur's relations with other regions regarding the proliferation of that knowledge in the process of its development into an intellectual center. At the same time, he considers the background to and reasons why so much of city and local histories throughout the Islamic World between the 4/10th and 6/12th centuries is concerned with biographies of 'ulama'. The author finds that first, the establishment of Islamic knowledge in Nishapur and Khurasan at its early stage depended on the introduction of that knowledge from 'Iraq ; but, secondly, the activities of 'ulama' became more and more substantive in the region, depending on the development of its local establishment. Consequently, a tendency for the geographical extent of 'ulama' intellectual activities and knowledge proliferations limited to Khurusun proper appeared between the latter half of the 4/10th century and the latter half of the 5/11th century, the gradual localization of the 'ulama' activities and knowledge proliferation during the time when The Histories of Nishapur were compiled. Furthermore, it is possible to assume that the compilation of biographical city and local histories in many parts of Islamic World between the 4/10th and 6/12th centuries was greatly motivated by the progress taking place in the localization of Islamic knowledge in each region during that time, the difficulty in maintaining an inter-regional academic career information system and unity among 'ulama', and a recognition of the necessity for coping with such a situation.
  • 三浦 徹
    史学雑誌
    1999年 108 巻 12 号 2176-
    発行日: 1999/12/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 森山 央朗
    史学雑誌
    1999年 108 巻 12 号 2175-2176
    発行日: 1999/12/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 森本 一夫
    史学雑誌
    1995年 104 巻 12 号 2111-
    発行日: 1995/12/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 西尾 寛治
    史学雑誌
    1995年 104 巻 12 号 2110-2111
    発行日: 1995/12/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 早川 尚志
    内陸アジア史研究
    2015年 30 巻 23-49
    発行日: 2015/03/31
    公開日: 2017/10/10
    ジャーナル フリー
    As is usually the case with Inner Asian dynasties that ruled vast territories, the Timurid Dynasty operated a postal system, which encompassed an extensive web of postal stations. This system was instrumental in allowing the Timurids to acquire information rapidly, and it also facilitated the movement of both military personnel and civilians. The system was also used for time-tracking: For instance, citing how many postal stations there were between two cities proved to be a relatively reliable way of calculating distance. This truly demonstrates the importance of the postal system under the Timurid Dynasty, especially as far as transport is concerned. In this paper, I examine the postal station as a criterion of time-tracking and relate it to a unit called farsah or farsang. I also discuss the way in which the Timurid Dynasty could retain and manage the postal station as a constant criterion. Specifically, I examine the system of postal stations, the permission needed in order to conduct a journey, how such permission was acquired, who could supply such permission, the benefits of such permission, and the support of the siqa'uls. The results of my investigation demonstrate how the Timurid rulers kept this web of postal stations in their lands and how they used them in order to obtain valuable information as quickly as possible, especially during emergencies.
  • 服部 直人
    オリエント
    1975年 18 巻 1 号 85-107,165
    発行日: 1975/08/31
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    The Samanids are very famous for their important roles in the history of Iran. They ruled at Khurasan and Ma ward al-Nahr during the 3rd and 4th centuries A. H. Not only many great masters like Rudaki, Ferdousi, Ibn Sina and al-Beruni lived in those lands, but also they constituted the well-balanced political organization with the bureaucracy and the unique military system.
    In spite of this fact there has been no special monograph on the Samanids, except W. Barthold, Turkestan down to the Mongol Invasion. Since I think the most obscure part of the dynasty is the family history in its early time, I made efforts to clarify its origin and the process of its assent to the rulership of the Eastern Muslim lands and the characters of its inner family relations.
    For this purpose I refered not only to the many Arabic and Persian texts but also to the numismatic matrials supplied from The National Hermitage Museum in Leningrad. The numismatic sources are particularly essential for the study of the early Samanids.
    I tried to show in this essay some interesting facts. The family originated in the village of Saman in the west suburb of the city of Balkh in Afghanistan. Jabba, father of Saman, was maybe of Turkish origin. Moreover, Tatar, father of Jabba, was evidently of Turko-Mongol origin. The family migrated to Ma ward al-Nahr at the time of Saman or Asad. Maybe they played important roles for the Arab subjugation of that area. On that occasion they gained the governorship of territories from the Arab governors and Caliph.
    From then till the golden period in Nasr II's reigh there were always governors out of the family members in Farghana (Akhsiket) who minted kufic copper coins by their own right, and many family members had strong connections with Farghana. What does this fact mean? Although we still do not have key materials to solve the conditions of their reign in Farghana, according to E. A. Davidovic of Moskwa, Farghana was the territory that some Samanid members occupied gradually as the feudal investiture of compensation after their victories, and this kind of feudal estates spread since all over Central Asia during the next one hundred years under the Turkish Dynasties.
    I made a preliminary supposition on this fact that, since Farghana was the eastern frontier territory of the Islamic World, it is possible to suppose that here they met many new-coming Turkish people and intermingled with some of them. We know the fact that in Farghana many Turkish people lived at the early Samanid time. So we may say that there are Turkish elements in this family, but I think this problem is very difficult to solve until we study the extent of the peaceful penetration of Turkish people, the origin and nature of the feudal estates, the social conditions of the medieaval Iranian family and the condition of the language and religion. After that we may be able to determine whether the Samanids are pure Iranian or Irano-Turkish or pure Turkish.
  • 大稔 哲也
    史学雑誌
    1996年 105 巻 5 号 291-296
    発行日: 1996/05/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 中町 信孝
    史学雑誌
    2011年 120 巻 5 号 918-923
    発行日: 2011/05/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 後藤 裕加子
    日本中東学会年報
    1992年 7 巻 113-143
    発行日: 1992/03/31
    公開日: 2018/03/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    As earlyas the 3rd century A.H. (9th century A.D.), less than a century since paper making has spread to the Islamic world, an occupation known as warraq (pl. warraqun) was introduced. This term derives from the Arabic term waraq (paper). Warraq deals with entire process of book making. In biographical dictionaries of the time, we can see many people identified as warraq as his nisba (occupational title). For example, in Ta'rikh Baghdad of Khatib al-Baghdadi which contains 7831 individual biographies, there were 116 warraqun recorded in this material (approximately 1.48%). This proportion is similar to the figures recorded in katib (secretary, 127 persons, approximately 1.62%). Thus we must recognize their influence. The origin and the works of warraq in the 3-4th centuries (9-10th centuries) of Baghdad was examined by famous biographical dictionaries. The works of warraq consisted transcription, book making, selling books and paper. They came from native-born of Baghdad or immigrants from Khorasan also known for its producing of paper. Warraqun were active in Baghdad which was the center of culture those days, therefore they played an important role in the popularization process of the use of paper in the Islamic world. In Egypt, warraq was virtually unknown until the mid-4th century (mid-10th century), since Egypt was a papyrus producing district. But gradually paper drove out papyrus, and at the same time kaghadi (paper maker) took the place of qiratisi (papyrus maker). The knowledge of Islamic studies was a prerequisite for the works of warraq, therefore 'ulama' engaged in these tasks. Moreover it was a method for 'ulama' to gain income. In Baghdad, there were suq (bazar) al-warraqin where many intellectuals gathered in quest of information concerning new books and learnings. But after the 5th century (11th century), with the establishment of madrasa, no longer was it necessary for 'ulama' to work as warraq, for they were supported by the madrasa. On the other hand, paper become widespread throughout the Islamic world, the work of warraq was divided into several specialized tasks, such as transcription, bookbinding, painting, bookselling, paper selling and etc. Thus the name of warraq was no longer seen in historical materials.
  • 茂木 明石
    日本中東学会年報
    2007年 23 巻 1 号 147-173
    発行日: 2007/07/31
    公開日: 2018/03/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    The purpose of this paper is to examine the discourse concerning the genealogy (nasab) of al-Shafi'i recorded in the manaqib sources, written by Ibn Abi Haim al-Rdzi(d. 327/939), al-Bayhaqi(d. 458/1066), Fakhr al-Din al-Razi(d. 606/1209) and Ibn Hajar al-'Asqalani(d. 852/1449), and to clarify how the authors of these manaqib literatures argued about the genealogy of al-Shafi'i. It has been collectively argued that al-Shali'i was from the Quraysh. About the paternal genealogy of al-Shafi'i, the authors of the manaqib literatures agreed that al-Shafi'i was from Banu al-Muttalib. As for his maternal genealogy, al-Bayaqi, al-Razi and al-'Asqalani mentioned that al-Shafi'i was Hashimi. They repeatedly quoted a tradition related by the Prophet about the distribution of khums(one fifth of the booty) to Bar. Hashim and Banu, al-Muttalib. In addition to this tradition, al-Bayhaqi and al-Razi argued that Babu Hashim and Banu al-Muttalib were prohibited from receiving alms(sadaqah), and that both families belonged to the House of the Prophet(Al al-Nabi'), the House of Muhammad(Al Muhammad). My conclusion is that the discourse about the genealogy of al-Shafi'i in manaqib literatures was constructed to argue that al-Shafi'i was from the House of the Prophet.
  • バグダード・メッカ間およびバグダード・ダマスクス間の事例から
    水上 遼
    オリエント
    2014年 57 巻 1 号 62-72
    発行日: 2014/09/30
    公開日: 2017/10/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    This paper discusses the “group ijāza,” a special kind of ijāza (permission) of transmission sent from a group to a person or to another group without a direct contact between the conferring and conferred parties, and examines its meanings and social background. This group ijāza is referred to as "ijāza jāmi‘a" in the Majma‘ al-ādāb fī mu‘jam al-alqāb, an Arabic biographical dictionary written in early 14th-century Baghdad by the Baghdadi scholar, Ibn al-Fuwaṭī (1244-1322).
     Ibn al-Fuwaṭī refers to the requests and conferments of group ijāzas that took place between Mecca and Baghdad and between Damascus and Baghdad. Meccan scholars sent a group ijāza from Mecca to Ibn al-Fuwaṭī in 1280/81 through an intermediary, a Baghdadi friend of Ibn al-Fuwaṭī. The conferrers included a member of the famous Meccan Ṭabarī family. Groups of Damascene scholars and notables repeatedly sent group ijāza requests to Baghdad between 1288 and 1299. In these requests, they asked not only Ibn al-Fuwaṭī but also probably other Baghdadi scholars to confer ijāzas on their children. The names of 150 Damascene children were written in a group ijāza request dated 1296/97.
     The group ijāza was an effective means of collecting ijāzas from distant cities. Although the ulama had ceased to travel widely in pursuit of knowledge by the late 13th century, they maintained their intention to get ijāzas from ulama in distant scholarly centers. The group ijāza could be substituted for a studying trip. It contributed to the formation and perpetuation of the intellectual elite class of a city since only some specific ulama families had access to it. The exchange of ijāzas between Baghdad and Damascus in the late 13th century indicates that a close social connection existed between the two cities.
  • いわゆるサブケ・ホラーサーニー派の詩人を中心に
    佐々木 あや乃
    オリエント
    1992年 35 巻 2 号 56-71
    発行日: 1992年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    Court poetry is one of the greatest traditions in Persian literature. Medieval Persian Court Poetry, written by Prof. Julie Scott Meisami is one of the studies which shows clearly the importance of court poetry in history of Persian literature. Peculiarity of Persian court poetry, with its variety of figure of speech, has been noticed by critics and researchers in the West. Above all, there has been a great achievement in descriptive studies of this phenomenon for Ghaznavids period (977-1186). Some of the typical researches in this field are: Menouchehri: Poète persan du 11ème siècle de notre ère by A. de Biberstein Kazimirski, La description de la nature dans la poèsie lyrique persan du XIe siècle by Charles Henri de Fouchècour, and The Divan of Manuchihri Ddmghdni: A Critical Study by Jerome W. Clinton.
    In all of these studies, however, little attention is given to the composition of poetry in the context of complex human relations and social life. In their view poetry is made of merely natural materials and is an isolated masterpiece. Therefore, it is necessary to study the figure of speech through the background in which the figure of speech was completed, that is, a mechanism of the appearance of the description of nature.
    In the 11th century, 'Unsuri Balkhi (d. 1039), Farrukhi Sistani (d. 1037), and Manuchihri Damghani (d. 1040) appeared as great poets at the courts of Sultan Mahmud and Mas'ud. They are considered as “poets of Khorasani Style (Sabk-e Khorasani)” in the history of Persian literature.
    This paper is intended as an investigation of Manuchihri's poetry which have been appraised the best poetic descriptions of nature. It deals with the background of appearance of his way of description in his panegyric qasidas through researches into his social life and human relations.
    First, I examined Khorasani Style (Sabk-e Khordsdni), which is the common style among these three poets and show Manuchihri's position in this style.
    Next, I treated the biographies (tazkiras) of poets. They are used by many researchers as introductions to their lives and poems. My purpose was to explore into the poet's social life and human relations.
    Finally, reading his qasidas including musammats which are his original contribution to Persian poetic forms, I paid attention to the relation between Manuchihri himself and his poetry.
    Manuchihri created a descriptive approach intended for describing nature, whereas many other court poets paid their Sultans a high compliment as his subjects. Manuchihri acquires his own way of producing poetry, the main purpose of which was to describe nature as it is. That makes his existence a unique one in Persian literary tradition in the Ghaznavid period, and his name all the more worthy to be praised as the most excellent one.
  • 青木 愛子
    オリエント
    1981年 24 巻 1 号 124-138
    発行日: 1981/09/30
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 史学雑誌
    2005年 114 巻 2 号 262-281
    発行日: 2005/02/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 史学雑誌
    1995年 104 巻 10 号 1800-1837
    発行日: 1995/10/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
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