ナイジェリア北部の“里親養育”では、育ての親(育親)は、引き取った子(<子>)の必要な物は全て用意すると聞く。だが中には養育費の一部を担う生みの親(生親)もいる。本報告は、育親が<子>にすべき行為(責任)、及び生親の支援への育親の認識を、経済的側面から明らかにする。そして育親の責任は限定的な場合もある点、生親の支援を望まない育親も、生親に頼る可能性などを指摘し、本慣行の柔軟性と複合性を提示する。

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自らの労働で生計を立てられない人々による経済活動である「物乞い」は、「自分がいかに悲惨な境遇にあるかを、金を恵んでくれる側にアピールすること」と同視されてきた。それを行う人々である「物乞」については、対面する人々とはほどんど会話もせず、困窮性の訴えに徹する存在というイメージが共有されてきた。しかし、こうしたイメージに反し、タンザニアのダルエスサラームという都市の路上では、彼らが朗らかに通行人と挨拶を交わし、談笑に興じる姿が見られる。 物乞いという営みの理論的説明を試みた先行研究は、それを匿名的関係性においてなされると前提して議論を蓄積してきた。しかし、この前提は人類学的研究をはじめとする経験的知見と矛盾する。先行研究は物乞いを「匿名的関係性において困窮性をアピールする営み」と「顔馴染みから支援を受けられる営み」とする二つの見解を提示したが、これらの接続作業は十分になされていない。 本稿はダルエスサラームの住民が一年以上に亘り同じ場所で行う物乞いに着目し、ここでみられる物乞―非物乞のやり取りを相互行為論的知見に照らして解釈することで、先行研究の溝を埋める作業に貢献する。本稿の分析から、常に相手を適切に尊重した所作を返すことで出会った相手との関係性をより友好的なもの、つまり、より継続可能なものへと維持または変化させる営みとしての物乞いの側面が明らかとなった。住民が継続的に行う物乞いとは、匿名的関係性を個別的なものに変化させ、その個別性の獲得によって、贈与が含まれる物乞いという営みの継続可能性を高めていくような、具体的文脈に即した個別的な相互行為の集積である。

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Recently the scholars studying conflict theories or peace building in Africa have tended to neglect the historical perspective of Africa. Without knowing the history of traditional kingdoms and chiefdoms, including slave trade, colonialism, and neo-colonialism, we cannot accurately understand serious problems with which African people are now confronted.
Coups d'etat are common in Africa. Nigeria in particular, an oil-rich African giant, has experienced the military rule for about twenty-nine years since its independence. Why did the Nigerian officers decide to seize the power? Why did they desire to keep the power for such a period of time? And, why don't they intend to withdraw from the political arena? To answer these questions, we should consider the impact of British rule in Nigeria.
The Nigerian army was originally established to conquer the native kingdoms and chiefdoms under the policy of British colonization. British rulers sometimes undermined the “rule of law.” Later the Nigerian army became the tool for traditional rulers, who started to work for the British rule in order to suppress their own people. New rulers of independent Nigeria learned how to use the military to defend their vested interests during 1960 through 1966. Therefore, it is the negative legacy of British rule that civilian and military regimes had not maintained “law and order” to save the lives of Nigerian people. So many civilians, being involved in armed conflict between Nigerian army and rebellions, were killed by the army.
Samuel Huntington showed two conditions to avoid military intervention. According to him, the civil-military relation may be destroyed if the governments would not be able to promote “economic development” and to maintain “law and order” and if civilian politicians would desire to use the military power for their own political ambitions.
As to the “economic development,” approximately 80% of Nigerian people suffer from poverty, whereas the retired generals enjoy their political power as well as financial business with a plenty of money. As mentioned above, the aspect of “law and order” has been also neglected by the regimes. After independence, civilian regimes used the military for their political interests and led the army officials into the political arena.
Therefore, as suggested by Huntington, military intervention may be caused in Nigeria again if the Fourth Republic would neglect the importance of promoting “economic development” and of maintaining “law and order.” The Fourth Republic also needs to keep the army out of politics and the politics out of the army to avoid military intervention. Actually it is difficult to meet these conditions, because the group of retired generals still has strong influence over political and economical arenas.

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This paper analyzes the case of the “fostering” custom called ri'ko among the Hausa in northern Nigeria, and discusses how, in addition to the biological parents, “foster parents” can be crucial parent figures for a child’s growth. Recently, multiple parents-child relationships, including non-biological relationships, are being discussed in kinship studies. However, the roles and characters of multiple parents may not be clearly pointed out yet. Among the Hausa, the relationship between biological parents and their child is officially guaranteed. Instead, “foster parents” traditionally behave as “guardians” with all responsibilities for the “foster child,” and biological parents respect what “foster parents” do. In the present, because of expenses for schooling and modern medical treatment, it is hard for some “foster parents” to take all responsibilities for their “foster child.” However “foster parents” manage and keep their pride with some kind of support from biological parents. The Hausa case in which “foster parents” and biological parents exist together as parents of a child is illustrative of multiple parents-child relationships in which each pair of parents is important.

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本稿では、1999年に民政移管を果たしたナイジェリアにおいて、公平な政治参加を保証する制度として慣行化した輪番制と、ローカルな政治実践との関わりを論じる。特に、三大民族のひとつと位置づけられているイボ人を対象とし、一地縁集団で起きた伝統的権威者の後継者選びを主な事例として取り上げる。

ナイジェリアでは民族・宗教・地域の対立が後を絶たず、国民の融和が重要な課題となっている。「輪番制」とは、下位集団・地域間で重要な政治ポストを順々に持ち回りする制度である。例えば、大統領職については1999年以降、南部（キリスト教徒が多数派）と北部（イスラム教徒が多数派）で順番に持ち回るべきとする言説がある。さらにローカルな政治においても、自治組織や年齢組の役員、さらには伝統的権威者の地位までも、輪番制によって捉える動きがある。

アフリカの多くの国々では現在、国内に包摂した諸民族の王や首長を政府が保護し、地方行政と関わる一定の政治的権限を認める政策をとっている。この現象の影響は、かつては「国家なき社会」と呼ばれた分節社会にも及んでいる。それら集権的な権威者が不在であった分節社会には、国家政策を契機として王や首長と呼ばれる地位が生まれている。本稿で取り上げるイボ人もそのような事例のひとつである。

1999年の民政移管後のイボ社会では、伝統的権威者の候補者選びについて国政選挙を模した住民投票を行うとともに、輪番制を採用する動きが広まっている。アフリカにおいて伝統的権威者を媒介とした統治が拡大・浸透するなか、分節社会の人びとはいかに自身が望む政治的公平性を担保するのか。本稿では、イボ社会における伝統的権威者選びを事例とし、人びとが国政選挙と関わる輪番制の慣行を用いて、公平性をめぐるモラリティを生成する過程に注目する。

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Modern Nigeria was the creation of British ambitions and rivalries in West Africa. Nigeria still is inhabited by a large number of ethnic groups, ranging in population from a few thousands to many millions, speaking several hundred languages. The variety of customs, languages and social organizations can be classified into a number of linguistic groups, which gives a fairly good indication of their wider cultural affiliations. Geographically, Nigeria can be divided into three main blocs: North, West and East, and this corresponds with the main religious beliefs, that is Islam in the North, various types of animism in the West and Christianity in the East.
South Nigeria (the East and the West combined) is rich in agricultural and natural resources, while Northern Nigeria, in spite of its vastness, is limited by a dry climate and overall poverty of its soil. The British amalgamation of 1914 provided a means by which the impoverished Northern Protectorate could share with the South the enormous revenue the latter acquires from custom receipts.
The British found the system of indirect rule rather cheap. Furthermore, ruling through local princes was convenient and less fraught with Muslim fanaticism.
A great variety of types of administration in Nigeria continued throughout the duration of the Cliford Constitution in spite of a policy of unification for Nigeria. Sir Arthur Richards' Constitution tried to express in a constitutional form the reality of Nigerian politics of divide and rule. Nationalists of every hue and color objected to the Richards' Constitution because it was imposed from above, without any consultation whatever. Sir John Macpherson's Constitution called for winning the good-will of all the Nigerians at the grass-roots level. Ironically, however, this period was dominated by the factionalism of nationalism and regionalization.
The N. C. N. C. ceased to enjoy countrywide support and the tribal political parties, NPC in the North and Action Group in the West, began to play a dominant role in constitution making. In spite of the good intentions of Macpherson, his Constitution soon proved unworkable because of the secessionist threats. The Kano riots were the climax of these frictions. When Chief Awolowo in 1953 openly threatened that the Western Region would secede unless Lagos was given back to the West, Oliver Littleton, then Secretary for the Colonies told Awolowo the British government would use force to bring any region that rebelled against the Nigerian government back into the union. Under the Littleton Constitution there was no open violence until after independence, but the latent force of disunity remained.
The role of tribal nationalism is explicitly shown in Frederick Forsyth's “The Making of an African Legend: The Biafra Story”.

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During the Cold War, democratic movements in Sub-Saharan Africa were suppressed by the authoritarian governments. These governments were supported by the forces of East or West. After the Cold War, as a condition of economic aid, the Western donors demanded “democratization.” Without aid, most of the authoritarian leaders could not cling to office anymore, so some leaders accepted the democratization, and others were ousted by the antigovernment forces.
The transition to democracy did not foster the consolidation of democracy. Some countries plunged into the internal wars. Other countries could establish new governments by the multi-party poll, but these new governments imitated their predecessors, became authoritarian regimes and suppressed the opposition in order to cling to office.
Why is the consolidation of democracy so difficult in Africa? Many researchers have explained the reasons as “ethnic politics.” They say that the introduction of a multi-party system to ethnically divided societies in Africa results in the creation of “ethnic” parties, and these parties are opposed to each other ethnically. Confrontation between ethnic parties causes ethnic conflict. This explanation seems to criticize the ethnic “identity” of African people.
Ethnic identity does not cause the ethnic conflict immediately. Many ethnic conflicts have been caused not by ethnic politics but by resource competition and power politics. The “haves, ” regardless of ethnicity and religion, fight each other over the resources. They use “ethnic” identity to mobilize their people, and ethnic identity changes into ethnic nationalism. It is “haves not” who fight and kill each other under the name of ethnic nationalism. “Haves” are not in the battlefield.
The introduction of democracy, which means “participation and opposition” (R. Dahl's “polyarcy”), gives the disenfranchised groups excuse to protest to the government. Without establishing new rules to avoid the predictable “ethnic” and “religious” conflicts, democratization of the authoritarian state, which maintains the legacies of colonial rule, has faced objections raised both by the group which wants to preserve the vested interests and by the group which demands the redistribution of the power. “Impoverishment” of people by economic deterioration makes it easier to mobilize poor people to fight for the elites' interests. The state system will collapse, and internal conflict will start under the name of ethnicity or religion.
Nigeria had been an authoritarian state and maintains colonial legacy. Because it did not make rules to prevent conflicts before the transition to the Fourth Republic in 1999, Nigeria met the 2000 Sharia conflict and the Niger Delta armed uprising. These uprisings could have been foreseen before the establishment of democratic government.
From the study of Nigeria, we learn that, in order to successfully democratize in Africa, the colonial legacy must be thrown away and the rules which will avoid the future conflicts should be established before any multi-party poll.
For the Nigerian government, we recommend two points. One is to protect human rights. The other is to improve the circumstances of people. Redistribution of resources is needed with global cooperation.

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African urban studies of Anthropology have their origin in one ideal model, the dyachronic detribalization model. This model assumes that African urbanization can be regarded as a gradual process of detribalization in consequence of direct contacts with heterogeneous and powerful Western cultures. In the 1950's, members of the Rhodes-Livingstone School such as Gluckman, Mitchell and Epstein advocated a new approach for African urban studies on the basis of their field researches of copperbelt towns in Northern Rhodesia (now Zambia). They criticized the detribalization model and put forward the situational approach, which emphasized synchronic social relations. According to this approach, the social relations of African rural-urban migrants are in some situations based on their traditional tribal norms but in others are based on urban norms. The situational approach is a very useful one because it highlights the migrants' personal strategy in situational selections. It cannot, however, explain the retribalization phenomenon which prevails in the African metropolises today. Those urban migrants who come from rural areas do not break away from tribal social relations but on the contrary reorganize these tribal relations in order to live a stable life in the urban environment. The situational approach cannot explain the paradox of the retention of tribal relations in a strikingly urban context.
This paper tries to resolve the problems of retribalization by analysing a re-organization process of social relations by the Maragoli migrants from Kerongo village, Western Kenya in Kangemi, a poor housing area in Nairobi. Kangemi, located in the northwest area of the city, is an urban colony for the Maragoli migrants. We can observe an actual re-organization process of various kinds of social relations there. In order to elucidate this process, this paper adopts the following procedures.
1. Firstly, several social situations, where social relations are developed and organized, are chosen from the daily life of the migrants from Kerongo village in Kangemi. This paper extracts empirically eight situations, namely, (1) securing the first accomodation, (2) seeking permanent employment, (3) borrowing or lending money, (4) borrowing or lending daily goods, (5) drinking beer or local alcohol, (6) exchanging messages and information with their home village, Kerongo, (7) participating in church activities, (8) carrying the body of a migrant back to the home village and preparing and performing a ritual of “ilisyoma” in Nairobi.
2. Secondly, the forms of re-organizing social relations in each situation are examined. The forms can be sorted into two types, network type and group type. According to the former type, whenever they confront difficulties in some situations of their daily life, the migrants set up a kind of association to deal with the difficulties. When they do not form an association but extend their personal social networks, this form is called the group type.
3. Thirdly, the principles of re-organizing social relations are verified in each situation. The clan-lineage principle, the village-home-boy principle and the urban neighbourhood-locality principle are presented here. Thus, the migrants from Kerongo village living in Kangemi re-organize their social relations by using different forms and different principles in each situation.
4. Although most parts of these re-organization processes can be presented as retribalization phenomena, this paper pays much more attention to a process organized by the home-boy principle. The study fourthly examines how the home-boy principle, which has been developed recently in town, is embedded and reinterpreted in a traditional and dominant ideology of unilineal descent. In order to provide the home-boy principle with legitimacy in the framework of the ideology of unilineality, the Kerongo villagers have adopted two stages

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本稿は，イスラーム世界の多様な文化のなかで，イスラーム的音文化がどのように展開され|たかを見る立場から，西アフリカ内陸のマンデとハウサをとりあげる。この二社会は，北アフリカに進出したイスラーム文化の影響を，サハラ以南のアフリカ社会で早くから強く受けた点では同じでありながら，対照的な音文化を発達させた。その特徴を図式化して要約すれば，マンデ音文化では多弦の撥弦音具や, 7音階の木琴に代表される，多少とも複雑な音組織の旋律を非持続音で打奏的に奏でる音具が主力であるのに対し，ハウサ音文化では多様な気鳴音具や単弦の擦弦音具が生む，音組織としては比較的単純な持続音が特徴的だ。声の領域では，これら器音の特徴と相互補完的に，マンデ音文化では旋律的な声で発せられる言葉を，多弦の撥弦音具の複雑な音組織の非持続音の打奏が彩り，言語音の分節的な意味の伝達を補強する。ハウサ音文化では単調に続く器音が精霊を招き寄せ，マンデに比べてより大きい社会性と，現実につながる歴史性をもった散文的な言葉の技芸を，序列化された器音が器音自体として非分節的に補う。 こうした対比を歴史表象の領域で川回が提出しているモデル「叙事詩」(マンデ) と「年代記」 (ハウサ)とも対応させながら，「声と文字」を鍵として「イスラーム文化」とのかかわりを考える 。

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19世紀初頭，現在のナイジェリア北部一帯に相当するハウサランドにおいて大規模な軍事ジハードが開始された。このジハードは，数年のうちに次々と同地のハウサ諸王権を圧倒し，一般にソコト・カリフ国と呼ばれる，イスラームを統治の基盤に据えた国家の建設を実現した。ジハードと国家建設の中心にいたイスラーム知識人ウスマーン・ブン・フーディー（1817年歿）は，複数の著作の中で，ハウサランドもしくはスーダーンに住む人々を信仰の様態に基づいて分類し，更に，その分類において不信仰者と見做した人々の捕虜・奴隷化に関する規定を論じている。本稿では，国家の基盤建設期にあたる1808年以降のウスマーンが，ウラマーの多くが認めていない法学的見解に依拠することを容認する「寛容の思想」を導入し，上述の信仰の様態に基づく人間の分類を操作することによって，捕虜・奴隷化し得る不信仰者の範疇を如何に拡大したのかを明らかにし，更に，その背景に如何なる理由が存在したのかを考察する。

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