雲南省紅河

村落では、世帯を単位として催される儀礼とそれに伴う宴がかつてない頻度で催され、多くの財と時間が費やされている。今日の村落において、饗宴は欠くことのできない社交の場であり、そこには祭祀する対象への信仰や祈願よりも、むしろ互いにもてなし、もてなされる歓待への希求こそが垣間見える。本稿は、村落における宴を舞台とした客人歓待の分析を通じて、以下の２点について検討する。

第１の論点は、既知の社会関係において歓待が果たす作用についてである。従来の歓待論においては、主として共同体の外より来訪する他者の迎え入れをめぐる葛藤に焦点が当てられてきたため、既知の社会関係の内側にあっても常に歓待の場が求められていることの意味はかならずしも十分には追求されてこなかった。本稿ではこのことを踏まえ、

村落において宴を通じた歓待が繰り返し要請されることの意味を考察する。第２の論点は、歓待の場に表れる主人と客人の関係の多層性についてである。村落における宴は、家畜の肉をふるまう／ふるまわれるという非対称的な行為によって、主人と客人を分かつ歓待の論理が作動する場として成立する。ただし、山腹に拓かれた村落には公共の集会施設がないため、宴の規模が大きくなるにつれ、歓待の場は住人たちの屋敷地にも及ぶ。本稿では、村落において最も多くの人々が集う葬送実践を事例に、客人を私的領域へと迎え入れ、時間をともにする行為としての饗応を担う人々がみせる能動的な動きに着目することで、歓待の場に表れる関係性を明らかにする。

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本発表は、中国雲南省南部のハに族村落における儀礼と宴をめぐる諸実践を事例として、供食と共食によって生まれ、繕われるさまざまな社会関係の諸相を読み解くものである。儀礼の過程そのものではなくそれをとりまく様々な実践を手掛かりとすることで、儀礼と食べることが結びつくの論理を具体的な事例によって提示し、ひとところに集い、ともに食べる場としての儀礼が何を成し遂げているのかを明らかにする。

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Ethnic Problems has lately attracted considerable attention with the collapse of Soviet Union and explosion of ethnic movement in East Europe. The discussion about ethnic group is held not only in anthropology, but also in political science and history. It is discussed as the problem of ethnicity or nationalism. This controversy needs the process of substantiation of ‘nationality’. In the colonial era, ‘nationality’ was the illusion, which is held by the administrators or missionaries. But it is substantiated with the emergence of nation-state. The purpose of this paper is not to determine the ethnic group by gathering cultural entities, but to show how ethnic group historically derived.
This paper shows the intercourse of ethnic labeling and ethnic self-definition in the cases of Akha in P. R. C., Thailand and Myanmar. And I attempt to examine why they are labelled and self-defined. Northern Thailand and Myanmar have Akha as a hilltribe, they are called Akha and self-defined as Akha. And P. R. C. has Hani, is known as the ethnic group of the same origin.
In Northern Thailand, their core of the ethnic identity is to share the Akha Zang (Custom). Before national ethnic identification, Hani was not known in P. R. C., and was created after Chinese Revolution. Thus Hani has various cultural groups. In Chinese Marxist ethnic theory, ‘Minzu’ is a political unit, translated ‘nationality’ in English. The word Minzu was originally coined in Japan. This usage is also highly probelmatic in P. R. C. ‘Minzu’ has the connotation of family, which is used as the ideology of national integration.
Akha as the ethnic category was created in Tai polity like Sipsongpanna before 19th century. In Sipsongpanna Akha was under the control of the ethnic Tai. Akha as the ethnic category was created in the context of Tai (man)/Kha (slave), and substantiated by their ritual. In the establishment of Sipsongpanna autonomous area in 1953, ‘Akha’ which is that representative Cheluo recognized ‘Akha’ insulted. Thus ‘Akha’ was neglected as the discriminative name under the national autonomous area policy and officially renamed ‘Aini’. Aini is a meaning-less word for them, and is only used in Chinese. After the ethnic identification by government in 1950s, they were integrated into Hani.
As the result of this process, they call them selves Akha in Akha language, and call themselves Aini in Chinese. In this situation, that we call them Aini is wrong, we should call them Akha or Hani. Thus ethnic group is created in political intercourses.

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We visited Tuguozhai Village, Yuanyang County of Yunnan Province of the People’s Republic of China, where Chuhi-ho is widely applied as a traditional method of fertilizer placement. It applies manure as a recycled resource to maintain the rice terrace. The invesitation showed that this is a labor-saving system especially in terrains such as rice terraces on steep slopes. To maintain soil quality, the terrace is always filled with water. Although chuhi-ho and constant water-filling culture are conventional, cost-saving and easily operated by small scale farming, chemical fertilizers are penetrating through such communities due to recent socio-economic changes surrounding the communities. Over-dependence on fertilizers often causes problems. Therefore, such the resource-recycle system should be reevaluated to solve global resource shortage and environmental problems. Also, it nurtures not only forest and irrigation systems but also community structure and corporatism. We need to turn our attention to the general aspect of how people cultivate their fields and the irrigation system that they cooperatively use as a member of their village maintenance.

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ポジティブな感情とネガティブな感情は，それぞれ上と下の空間との連合を形成している（空間感情メタファ）。先行研究では，この関連性が22の言語で観察されることが示されている。我々は，WEIRD以外の民族における文化や習慣などの関連要因を探索するため，少数民族を対象としたフィールド調査を実施した。その結果，ヤオ族は他の民族とは異なる結果を示し，彼らの生活環境や特殊な荷物運搬方法などが影響している可能性が示唆された。本研究では，これらの影響を検証するために，生活環境や荷物の運び方がヤオ族と類似する重慶の棒棒を対象とした実験を行った。単語配置課題により，棒棒ではヤオ族と同様に空間感情メタファ効果が観察されなかった。これらの結果は，重荷の運搬方法や坂の多い環境が空間感情メタファの形成に重要な役割を果たすという我々の仮説を支持するものであった。

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This paper traces the deforestation of Xishuangbanna, Yunnan province, over several decades, analyzing the impact of changes in social structure on the forest. Before the establishment of the People's Republic, more than 60 percent of this area was covered by forest. The Hani and Lahu peoples lived in the mountainous rainforest and the Dai people cultivated rice fields in the river basin of a Mekong tributary. The introduction of rubber plantations in the 1950s by the Han people triggered the drastic collapse of this stable socio-ecological system. In the 1960s, several hundred thousand young urbanites from throughout China were forced into this area and exploited the mid-altitude rainforest. In the 1980s, the Hani and Lahu followed the Han example, starting private rubber plantations in the higher altitudes. At present, state-run Han rubber plantations occupy the foot of the mountains and Hani and Lahu private plantations cover the mountainous areas. Almost all rainforest has been lost in this basin.

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