The purpose of this paper is to show how opposition to enclosure plans was able to mitigate their effect by examining the example of an enclosure planned in the parish of Princes Risborough in 1819, The plan was put forward by the lord of the manor, large landowners and their agents, but it was opposed by local inhabitants such as traders and small landowners because of the cost burden and the negative effect on the poor. The opposition was powerful, but its position was undermined, and the Enclosure Act was passed in 1820. The group in favour of the enclosure tried to increase their support through land sales to reduce costs drastically, and by providing compensation for the Poor. As a result of the enclosure, a small number of large landowners were able to increase their holdings, but a lot of small Iandowners (many of them absentee landlords) disappeared. The 1831 Census, which was carried out some years after the enclosure, shows that the ratio of those who obtained land as a result and stayed in the parish was much higher than that of those who did not obtain land. In other words, the damage done by this enclosure was relatively small.

抄録全体を表示

Since the end of the nineteenth century a number of scholars have given their attention to the study of parliamentary enclosure. Books and Articles were published one after another, among which works of high quality appeared: those of W. HASBACH, E.C.K. GONNER, G.SLATER, A.H.JOHNSON, J.L.& B.HAMMOND, J.D.CHAMBETS. They chiefly dealt with such problems as the process of deliberation of enclosure bill, fairness of enclosure commissioners, cost and its financing, the relation between enclosure and labour supply in the Industrial Revolution. This paper, analysing enclosure documents owned by the Buckinghamshire County Record Office, attempts to clarify how landed property was distributed at enclosure of Weston Turville in Buckinghamshire, 1798-1800. It is a problem previous studies rather neglected. Comparing, especially, the landed property of each proprietor before and after enclosure is the main issue here. On the whole each property reduced by about twenty or thirty per cent after distribution. This is due to the commutation of tithes by enclosure act. Tithes were generally extinguished in exchage for allotments of land. Ecclesiastical estate was enlarged by nearly 300 acres in this parish; the rector became the second biggest landowner in the parish. Some irregular cases, however, are observed. Among about fifty proprietors in the parish, some reduced their property drastically and to some land was not alloted at all. They are thought to have sold a part or whole of their property. Instead, a dozen of new proprietors appeared after enclosure. Great consequence of tithe commutation, as many scholars have pointed out, is confirmed in this parish. How it relates to a tendency to land consolidation, however, we cannot exactly say unless we fruther observe the parish at several points after enclosure.

抄録全体を表示

The purpose of this article is to reassess Cain and Hopkins' gentlemanly capitalist explanation of British imperialism in Asia during the first half of the nineteenth century through an examination of the lobbying activities of the Glasgow East India Association (GEIA) against the renewal of the East India Company's charter during the period 1812-1813. The organisation represented both mercantile and manufacturing interests in Glasgow, and was remarkable in particular for the presence of those involved in the West India trade and the cotton industry. The involvement of various different economic interests in the campaign indicated that their lobbying activities were widely supported by the business elite of the city. However, at the same time, the case of the West Indian merchants, who during the campaign demanded protection for their existing trade at the expense of the East India trade, shows that there were some divisions among provincial interests. Nevertheless, it is difficult to argue that such divisions critically affected the provincial lobbyists' ability to organise their campaign. After their initial negotiations with the Government in April, 1812, the representatives of Glasgow and other provincial towns and ports recognised that the Government would change their position if it could be proved that the opening of the import trade from India to provincial ports would not have a negative impact on the secure and efficient collection of customs duties. Therefore, they set this topic as their main focus and strongly lobbied the Government. This case study shows that the limited influence of the provincial lobbyists and the significance of the opinion of the Board of Trade in the East India question, on which Webster insists, appear to be overstated. The GEIA's records show clear evidence that provincial interests strongly lobbied the Board of Trade. Regarding the decision on the opening of the India trade, although Webster stressed the significance of the government's economic strategies during the wartime period, this was in fact a response to demands from the provincial mercantile and manufacturing interests who needed a stable supply of cheap food and raw materials and the resolution of social unrest. From Lord Buckinghamshire's statements and the provincial lobbyists' influence on the Board of Trade, it is clear that the Government's change of opinion on the import trade from India was the result of strong lobbying organised by provincial interest groups. In relation to the Scottish contribution to the formation of Britain's imperial policy, although the GEIA made attempts to encourage other Scottish towns to join the campaign, their activities were not confined to Scotland. Close communication with other major provincial towns throughout the UK helped them develop their national lobbying strategy.

抄録全体を表示

In the British parliamentary enclosure the decision of the boundary between parishes was sometimes very difficult. Many people demanded their right or customs. And it cost people to make public fens or roads in the parish. Commissioners coordinated their problems.

抄録全体を表示

彼女は容貌に誇りを持っていた。上品な白いレースの帽子から透けて見える,細かく縮れ短くカールしている,顔の周りにかかったその白髪に。それを見て,彼女がレースのために使った総額を考えると,7人の娘を持つ貧しいクイヴァフル夫人はいつも悲嘆に暮れるのであった(アンソニー・トロロープ『バーチェスター・タワーズ』1857年)。

抄録全体を表示

反芻動物での血中レプチン濃度の調節機構には未解明な点が多い．そこで短期絶食後に再給飼およびVFA類似の糖源性溶液の経口投与を行い，これらの処置中の血中レプチン濃度の変化を調べ，グルコース・インシュリン・インシュリン様成長因子（IGF-1）の濃度変化との関係について調べた．雄ヒツジに対し48時間の無給餌をした後に給飼を再開し，同時に水または糖源性溶液を12時間間隔で2日間経口投与した．処置中は12時間間隔で採血し，レプチン濃度を牛レプチン用ラジオイムノアッセイにより測定した．絶食によってグルコースと全ホルモンの血中濃度が低下したが，給飼再開後に水群ではレプチンのみが有意に増加した．糖源性溶液投与によってグルコースとインシュリン濃度が高値で推移し，再給飼によるレプチン濃度増加効果を増幅させた．したがってレプチン濃度はエネルギバランスの変動に応じて短期間に変化する．レプチン濃度調節機構へのグルコース・インシュリンなどの関与については更に研究が必要である．

抄録全体を表示

Six cases of Hodgkin's disease (HD) were examined for the presence of Epstein-Barr virus (EBV) genome, Immunohistochemistry with an antibody against the latent membrane protein antigen (LMP) of EBV, was used in combination with the polymerase chain reaction (PCR) and in situ hybridization technique (ISH).
EBV was detected in 2/6 (33.3%) of the cases using immunohistochemistry with LMP. Internal repeat 1 of EBV DNA was detected in 2/6 (33.3%) of the cases using PCR. ISH with a digoxigeninlabeled EBER-1 oligonucleoid probe achieved positive results in 3/6 (50.0%) of the cases.
Since positive rates and cases differed depending on the method used, EBV should be examined using several different methods.

抄録全体を表示

The purpose of this study is to discover differences in the secondary school admissions systems among Local Education Authorities and ideas behind these systems after the introduction of quasi-market reforms in education by the Education Reform Act 1988 in England and Wales. Ball has pointed out several problems of the quasi-market approach in education by a case study conducted in London, and concluded that the basic values of comprehensive education were being undermined by and replaced by market values. He also claimed that effects of the legislative framework of the market system could be exacerbated or modified by LEA policies. Although Ball offered insightful findings in London, are his findings relevant across England and Wales? Chubb and Moe argued that a market system was the most effective means of improving school organisation in the United States. This claim needs to be treated as hypothesis and to be examined in UK. Further, how are LEAs able to control market forces by setting up their own admissions systems and other policies? To answer the questions mentioned above, the relationships between the admissions system of each LEA and the effects of market forces need to be explored. For this subject, it is deemed to be sensible to find out differences and ideas of secondary school admissions systems on a national scale. Parent's booklets for their children's admissions to secondary school were collected from 103 LEAs and were analysed in respect of the following three points: 1) selective or comprehensive system. 2) catchment area system. 3) criteria for deciding admissions. Next, the ideas behind the admissions systems were examined. It was found that a selective system or selective county/voluntary controlled schools still existed in 16 LEAs, out of 103. As for the catchment area system, it was possible to group this into six types. One extreme was a catchment area system, where parents were initially offered a place at just one local school and were not required to respond to the offer of a place unless they wished to express a preference other than the designated school. The other extreme was a free choice systm, where an LEA was hardly involved in the admissions process. It was found that the most common criterion was siblings currently attending the school, followed by medical/social factors and catchment area residence. LEAs having a catchment area system tended to give a higher priority to those who were living within catchment area. On the other hand, LEAs without a catchment area system saw siblings as more important than other factors. While the former set their systems based on the idea of comprehensive schooling, the latter were committed to open enrolment and diversity of schools, and believed that market forces improved the quality of education.

抄録全体を表示

ホルスタイン種乳牛の妊娠日数には個体差があり，個体差が生じる原因の解明が必要である．筆者は分娩前の経産ホルスタイン種乳牛にVFA類似の糖源性溶液であるプロピレングリコールを経口投与する実験の中で，プロピレングリコール投与群と水投与群の間で妊娠日数の有意差を観察したので報告する．この実験では分娩予定日の3週間前より分娩日まで隔日に500mlのプロピレングリコールまたは水を経口投与し，毎回投与の3時間後に採血した．全供試牛は単子を正常分娩したが，プロピレングリコール投与群（280.4±0.8日）と水投与群（277.0±1.0日）の妊娠日数には3.4日の有意差（P＜0.05）が認められた．プロピレングリコール投与群では血漿中のグルコース（P＝0.0001）とインスリン（P＜0.01）濃度が高く，FFA濃度が低かった（P＜0.05）．IGF-I，レプチン，コルチゾルなどには群間差は無かった．

抄録全体を表示

In 1817, Percy Bysshe Shelley composed his longest narrative poem Laon and Cythna, containing altogether 4,818 lines. The poem is thought to present an ideal revolution as an alternative to the French Revolution, but its complicated plot and lengthy descriptions make it difficult to understand the true meaning of Shelley's revolution. Although the poem 'Hymn to the Intellectual Beauty', composed in 1816, is written in a different style from that of Laon and Cythna, the concept of ideal beauty presented in 'Hymn' may serve to elucidate the nature of the revolution conducted by the two main characters in Laon and Cythna. 'Hymn' provides a clue to understanding Laon and Cythna, in which Shelley tried to persuade his readers to reevaluate their contemporary society and to remind them of the importance of aesthetic ideals by presenting a situation from which ideal beauty was absent. It seems that Shelley believes that ideal revolution is only possible when people have the beauty of true virtue. In this aspect, Laon and Cythna may be a poem that expresses Shelley's hope for the future rather than his disappointment at the contemporary situation in Europe.

抄録全体を表示

廃棄物焼却発電は他の再生可能エネルギーと比べて供給の安定性が高く，電力需要地に直結した分散型電源という特長をもち，地球温暖化問題に対して有効な手段と期待されている。このような中，2010 年以降，日本の廃棄物焼却プラントメーカーの欧州企業を買収する動きが出はじめ，この分野でも世界規模で技術の再編が進みつつある。
　欧州の高効率発電技術には，低空気比燃焼，蒸気条件の高温高圧化，水冷復水器の採用，無触媒脱硝の採用等があげられ，技術項目は日本と大きな違いはみられない。しかし，欧州では廃棄物処理事業を商業ベースに乗せることが重要であるため，たとえば 4MPa × 400°C を超える蒸気条件を採用している施設や，施設外へ電力供給とともに熱供給も行っている施設が数多く存在し，積極的に廃棄物からのエネルギー回収・供給に取り組んでいる。

抄録全体を表示

“Uncertainty” has been a feature of international affairs in recent years. There is a wave of international terrorism and migration, and the pendulum swing towards protectionism is rife. Under these circumstances, the world will be looking more closely to the direction that Japan will take as it prepares for the 2020 Tokyo Olympic and Paralympic Games.

This is also true of the Paralympic Games, which are inherently closely related to international affairs, such as wars and civil wars that engendered large numbers of people who became socially vulnerable. The Paralympic movement has its origins in the rehabilitation of war veterans wounded in the Second World War, and its close links with international affairs remain unchanged even in the 21st century. In fact, a Syrian refugee who fled the Syrian civil war participated in the 2016 Rio Paralympic Games.

In a sharp contrast to the Olympics, there is little research on the relation between the Paralympics and international affairs. On the contrary, the emphasis on the link between the Olympics and international affairs has been laid, particularly in Japan, on high-flown rhetoric, such as in the form of the “festival of peace” and “forum for international cooperation,” while the inherent link between the Paralympics and international politics has been diluted.

Against this backdrop, this research aims to elucidate the relation between the Paralympics and international politics, setting the question, “What is the relation between international affairs and the Paralympics and how has that relation evolved?” To address this question, two approaches that pertain to international politics as major themes were used, namely, （1） International Development Studies and （2） International Politics. From the perspective of international development studies, the introduction of the concept of “sports-in-development” brought to light the negative aspect of linking sports and international development. From the perspective of international politics, it was clarified, from the constructivist standpoint that includes in its scope non-state actors like international NGOs, that improvement in the status of people with disability was brought about by the interlinkage of domestic andinternational policies.

These approaches to the link between disability sports and sports on one hand and international politics on the other may be sounding an alarm that what we see in Japan is the opposite of what it should be. In other words, development undertaken blithely without regard for the strong historical link between war and disability sports will bring to the surface the intrinsic gap between sports and disability. As the origins of the Paralympics symbolize, disability sports have strong links with international affairs in the form of wars and civil wars. It is widely known that the Paralympics have their origins in the rehabilitation of patients with spinal injuries at the Stoke Mandeville Hospital in the U. K., which was established with the purpose of treating and rehabilitating war veterans injured in the Second World War. In Japan too, the origins of disability sports always had links with war.

The above discussion from the perspectives of International Development Studies　and International Politics clearly showed that the Paralympics are inherently deeply　interconnected with international affairs in the form of war and peace. The move to rapidly link international development and disability sports and bring about interlinkage between domestic-level and international-level policies is positive and has value. On the other hand, the decreasing tolerance towards non-universality that lurks behind the notion of respect for the uniqueness of people with disability and pursuit for the spread of such universal principles as nationalism and sports is negative and must not be overlooked.

抄録全体を表示

Strong opposition to the resumption of cash payments after the Napoleonic Wars principally came from two sources: Birmingham and agriculture. Thomas Attwood, a Birmingham banker, pointing to the ruinous effects of the return to the gold standard, urged the "inflationism" to secure the full employment of "the industrious classes". Inflationism was also advocated by the agricultural economists, such as Sir John Sinclair, Arthur Young and John Rooke. A coalition of these two in their attack upon the gold standard seems to have been kept throughout the first half of the nineteenth century. It could be called "the Anti Gold Law League", in contrast with "the Anti-Corn Law League" As a sharp decline in wheat prices shows, the British agriculture passed suddenly from prosperity to extreme depression in the Post-Napoleonic period. Attwood and Rooke argued in the Farmers' Journal that the agricultural distress was caused by Pell's Resumption Act of 1819 and that the landed interest should look to the money laws rather than to the corn laws for obtaining the adequate prices for corn. Attwood's views on currency had been adopted by 'Squire' Western, who was to come out as a champion of the agricultural inflationists. In 1822 Western moved a Parliamentary inquiry into the effects of Pell's Bill, which raised "the great debate" concerning devaluation and deflation between the Attwood school and the Ricardian school. The propagation of inflationism was apparently accelerated by the opposition to the monetary and banking acts of 1826, which prohibited the small note circulation and suppressed the country banks. Attwood, Richard Cruttwell and Henry Burgess wrote in defence of the country banking. Blackwod's Edinburgh Magazine also defended the interests of the country against the encroachment of the monopolistic power of the City. Attwood's associates in Parliament were active in debates concerning the small note bill. Sir James Grahanm, Mathias Attwood, C.C. Western, E.D. Davenport, Sir Richard Vyvyan, all contended for an abundant circulation to keep industry and labour fully employed, opposing the deflationary policy of the Wellington government. The currency question was a rallying point of the Tory opponents of the Government, and gave them a vital link with some Whigs and Radicals The "Ultra Tories" were perhaps most responsible for the downfall of the Wellington government in 1830. In the Reformed House of Commons Thomas Attwood moved a Parliamentary committee on the national distress and the monetary system in 1833. Attwood's motion was defeated, but it was only by the majority of 34. It appeared a virtual triumph of Attwood over Sir Robert Peel. A coalition collaboration of Attwood and the Agricultural Economists reached its culmination in the formation of the Central Agricultural Society in 1835-1836. Richard Spooner, a partner of Attwood, Spooner & Co., was Chairman of the Society 'Squire' Western and E.S. Cayley were both Vice President. Attwood and some other Birmingham Economists were the members of it. Attwood and the Agricultural Economists struggled for obtaining the monetary system for the industrious classes, fearing the transferrance of national wealth into the money power. They sought an alternative in opposition to Ricardiansim.

抄録全体を表示

Stowe is one of the most representative .English landscape gardens in 18th century. The purpose of this paper is to make it clear how this garden was developed. In respect of the exploited sites, the process of development can be divided into 8 periods. The following were made clear: so far as composition of the plan is concerned, there are phases of axis, expanse, circular paths, and irregularity. So far as composition of scenery is concerned, there are phases of vista, panorama, seen and hidden, representation of ideal landscape, naturalization, and use of surrounding landscape.

抄録全体を表示