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  • 水田 正史
    日本中東学会年報
    1989年 4 巻 1 号 119-140
    発行日: 1989/03/31
    公開日: 2018/03/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 吉川 利治
    東南アジア -歴史と文化-
    1973年 1973 巻 3 号 97-105
    発行日: 1973/11/12
    公開日: 2010/03/16
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 鈴木 恒之
    東南アジア -歴史と文化-
    1975年 1975 巻 5 号 95-121
    発行日: 1975/12/01
    公開日: 2010/03/16
    ジャーナル フリー
    Indonesia consists of various ethnic groups each of which has developed its own social institutions as a community based on adat or customary laws. One of the examples can be seen in the clan system called marga in Batak Region and South Sumatra. The social institutions of Lampong District which the author is going to discuss also derived from this system.
    This district was opened up around the fifteenth century by the Malay migrants from Central Sumatra. They continued to maintain the kinship structure they had held in their previous place of residence, until their society also came to be known for its marga system. It implied that the legitimacy of a clan chief was determined by his lineage in relation to the original settlers. His authority, however, was nothing more than that of primus inter pares.
    It was against this background that Lampong fell under the rule of Bantam since the middle of the sixteenth century. The kingdom held sway over these clan chiefs, turning them into its poenggawa or government officials; it imposed on them the duty of delivering pepper for the purpose of securing its exclusive supply. Especially, the penjimbang mega or marga chiefs were those whom the kingdom furnished with much power like that of a feudal lord, and, in return, saw to it that they forced their populace to cultivate pepper. Nevertheless, the Bantamese attempt at strengthening the position of marg chiefs was utterly fruitless.
    The intensified rule at the Bantamese in Lampong, however, caused some economic as well as social changes in the district. The predominant clan-consciousness prior to the conquest gave way to the increasing importance attached to the social relationship based on location rather than blood. In the southern coastal sub-districts where this trend was observed most conspicuously the clan system was replaced with that of bandaria headed by bandar or immigrant potentates by origin who formed a part of the administrative officialdom of Bantam. Even in other districts where the tendency was less obvious the naturally formed villages called tioeh tended to take over the functions previously performed by marga. This change was reflected in the newly introduced institution of pepadon or merit system under which the Bantamese government distributed honors, mostly in return for donation of money, to the Lampong chiefs in the form of a symbolic chair decorated with a pattern of dragons. The traditional clan chiefs used this system often as a means of “repurchasing” their social prestige in the past.
    In general, the author sees in the course of Lampong history during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries a gradual process of its emerging from the clan society tied to blood relationship.
  • ——Der Tor aus Tokio を読む——
    徳永 光展
    比較文学
    1997年 39 巻 67-81
    発行日: 1997/03/31
    公開日: 2017/06/17
    ジャーナル フリー

     Meine Abhandlung behandelt das Problem der Übersetzung: Inwieweit kann der Stil des Originals von Natsume Sōseki, der auf der sehr klaren gesprochenen Sprache von Tokio beruht, ins Deutsche übertragen werden? Ich benutze als Text Der Tor aus Tokio, übersetzt von Jürgen Berndt und Shinohara Seiei, Theseus-Verlag 1990.

     Ich stelle Betrachtungen über Ausdrücke an, die den deutschen Satz verletzen, wenn wörtlich übersetzt wird. Z.B. Erklärungen typisch japanischer Landschaften und Ortsnamen, Dialekte und Wortspiele, sowie faule Witze, die beim japanischen Leser gut angekommen sind, bedeutungsvolle Kosename von Personen, die Stimme usw. Außerdem untersuche ich, wie die Kultur hinter dem Text übersetzt und vorgestellt wird und analysiere dazu auch die Anmerkungen und das Nachwort.

     Im Werk von Natsume Sōseki wird das Verhalten der Hauptfigur, eines Lehrers an der Mittelschule in Matsuyama beschrieben, der aus Tokio in die Provinzstadt gekommen ist. Wenn man durchdenkt, warum er innerhalb eines Monates nach Tokio zurückkehrt, merkt man, daß es sich um den Kulturkonflikt zwischen Tokio und Matsuyama, zwischen Erwachsensein und Jugend handelt. Diese Spannung kommt im Unterschied der Sprechweisen der Hauptfigur und der Personen um ihn herum zum Ausdruck. Ich betrachte dies aus dem Gesichtspunkt der Übersetzungskritik makroskopisch und untersuche dabei das Problem des Kulturkonflikts (zwischen Deutschland und Japan). Dabei frage ich auch, inwieweit die Übersetzer als Außenstehende eine Sprache in eine andere Sprache übersetzen können.

  • 坪井 祐司
    東南アジア -歴史と文化-
    2013年 2013 巻 42 号 91-95
    発行日: 2013年
    公開日: 2016/12/15
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 金子 正徳
    文化人類学
    2007年 72 巻 1 号 1-20
    発行日: 2007/06/30
    公開日: 2017/08/22
    ジャーナル フリー
    本論文は、インドネシア共和国ランプン州に位置するプビアン人社会の婚姻儀礼の事例を中心として、新秩序体制期とそれ以後数年の間にみられた社会文化動態を分析する。今日のインドネシアでは、婚姻儀礼は二つの側面から解釈される。一つはアダット(慣習/慣習法)の側面、もう一つはクブダヤアン(文化)の側面である。アダットの側面からいえば、婚姻儀礼はそのエスニック集団のアダットに従い、正しく行われねばならない行為である。村落を活動基盤とするアダット知識人がその中心にいる。クブダヤアンの側面からいえば、婚姻儀礼は意味や象徴性という観点から解釈される対象である。都市を活動基盤としているローカルな知識人によって、各エスニック集団のアダットはインドネシア国民文化にとって必要不可欠な地方文化の一部分として解釈される。同じ対象を扱いながらも、アダットとクブダヤアンは異なる知の体系なのである。K村で行われたある婚姻儀礼は、アダット儀礼というだけではなくて、文化イベントとしても位置づけられていた。ここでは、アダット知識人とローカルな知識人が同時に行為者となるという特異な状況がみられた。この婚姻儀礼のクライマックスでは、プビアン人社会外部からやってきた来賓へ儀礼行為の意味や象徴性を説明する役割を負っていたローカルな知識人に対して、儀礼進行の主導権を奪おうとしたアダット知識人が仕掛けた小競り合いがみられた。小競り合い自体は儀礼の出資者によってすぐに収められ、以後は何事もなく進められたが、これはアダットとクブダヤアンの関係を如実に示している。アダットとクブダヤアンは単に並存しているのではなく、両方を一度に選択できない二つの選択肢として、一つの解釈装置を構成している。二つの概念の近接が生みだしたこの解釈装置を介して、現代の地方エリートは地方社会内部での上昇を図っているのである。
  • 馬場 雄司
    東南アジア -歴史と文化-
    1984年 1984 巻 13 号 29-58
    発行日: 1984/06/01
    公開日: 2010/02/25
    ジャーナル フリー
    In Xishuang-banna Daizu Zizhizhou (_??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??_), in China, the Sip Song Panna had been as a tribal-kingdom of Tai Lü, their main religion was Theravada Buddhism.
    When: Lü was conquered by the Yüan-Empire (_??__??_)in the 14th century, the chief called Zhao-pian-ling (_??__??__??_) was appointed Tu-su(_??__??_), who were the government officials of the native tribes in the Chinese dynasties.
    In the Sip Song Panna, Zan-ha, folk-poet groups, used to sing on the occasions of initiations, Buddhistic ceremonies, and other rituals. In addition to singing on such occasions, they told stories originating in India.
    In Lü, every man had to be monk once in his life. Zan-ha were chosen by singing competitions, held among people who had quit the priesthood. There was a hierarchy among the temples with the monks from Zhao-pian-ling' (_??__??__??_) s family at the top. Zan-ha were also concerned with indigenous religious ceremony of the Lü. In general women were prohibitted from becoming monks. However, some women were permitted to join the Zan-ha. It was believed that women usually guided the spirits. The origin of the female Zan-ha seems to be from the shamans. But the ceremonies of the Lü had both indigenous and Buddhistic aspects. Therefore, Zan-ha can be regarded as a symbol of a complex religion. To understand this, the process of making a complex religion must be examined.
    From the legends, it is known that the Zan-ha were gathered at the court, when the 12th Zhao-plan-ling (_??__??__??_), She-long-fa (_??__??__??_), ruled the Sip Song Panna. Afterwards, the authorized Zan-ha chanting rulers were chosen among them.
    In the 14th century, Buddhism had not yet prevailed among the people. Among materials, such as the “Pai yi zuan” (⌈_??__??__??_⌋) of the early Ming (_??_) dynasty, it can be found that shamans invited spirits. But the details of Buddhism were not written. In addition, Wan-Song (_??__??_) reported that Zan-ha, like medical doctors and village chiefs, were branches of shamans. His report indicates that Zan-ha were based on the indigenous cultures before Buddhism prevailed.
    After She-long-fa (_??__??__??_) appeared in the Sip Song Panna, social changes arose. The authority of Zhao-pian-ling (_??__??__??_) rose by the prevalence of Buddhism. Accordingly, the Zan-ha's songs changed. In the She-long-fa (_??__??__??_) period, the book of “Wa-lei-a-ta-na-kan-ha-tai” (⌈_??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??_⌋) was written. This book reported about chanting for the king by Buddhistic Poems. We may think that the authority of Zhao-pian-ling (_??__??__??_) was linked with Buddhism. In the 16th century, the Sip Song Panna was invaded by the Taungoo ruler of Burma. During the period of this commotion, the book of “Zuo-lei-sha-duo-jia-shi-man-shi-muan” (⌈_??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??_⌋) —16th century—and the book of “Wa-lei-ma-yue-kan-ha-tai” (⌈_??__??__??__??__??__??__??_⌋) (1615) were written. These books criticised Buddhism, respecting higher the indigenous religions. Particulary the latter book was forbidden by Zhao-pian-ling (_??__??__??_). Among Zan-ha, there were some who composed the songs of the resistance against the rulers. The above two books suggest not only the aspect of resistance against authority, but also the friction between the Indian culture, linked with Buddhism, and the indigenous culture.
    In the 18th century, when the Sip Song Panna had recovered its security again, Zhao-pian-ling (_??__??__??_) was appointed the tu-su (_??__??__??_) of the Qing (_??_) dynasty. The complex-culture had been formed in this period, among the Indian and the indigenous cultures.
    In the period of the Ming dynasty, the authority of Zhao-pian-ling (_??__??__??_) increased. Eberhard supposes that the authority of the tribal chief would rise as he was appo
  • 布野 修司, 牧 紀男, 脇田 祥尚, 山本 直彦, 青井 哲人
    日本建築学会計画系論文集
    1998年 63 巻 510 号 185-190
    発行日: 1998/08/30
    公開日: 2017/02/02
    ジャーナル フリー
    The purpose of this study is to consider the principles of space formation in the houses, villages and cities, focusing on the cosmology that decide physical arrangement. We selected Cakranegara city in Lombok island, Indonesia, as a case study. Cakranegara was built as a colonial city of Karanngasem Kingdom in Bali in 18th century. We guess Cakranegara was constructed based on the idea of Bali Hindu City. This paper clarifies the characteristics of habitat segregation among Muslim, Chinese, Balinese. About Balinese, the habitat segregation between caste is also clarified. The structure of segregation Cakranegara is very clear. The structure is as follows. 1) Balinese people lives in central area though Muslim lives in edge of area which have the grid pattern. The housing lot and the road pattern is completely different between living area of Balinese and that of Muslim. 2) Each Karang, community unit, have pura, Hindu temple, and Musjit. 3) Chines is scattered all area of Cakranegara. Chinese basically work for commerce. 4) Balinese makes segregation depending on caste. Brahumana lives in north and East. Ksatnya lives in west side and Gusti lives in east side. The caste which relate to kings family, Agung, Ratu, lives in the place previously located palace.
  • マレイ語史料による王統
    鈴木 恒之
    東南アジア -歴史と文化-
    1988年 1988 巻 17 号 38-59
    発行日: 1988/05/30
    公開日: 2010/03/16
    ジャーナル フリー
    The aim of this paper is to examine the royal line of the Palembang Sultanate. In order to inquiry into this subject, especially before the mid-17th. century, we should check the Malay manuscripts written by Palembang people, comparing them with the contemporary Dutch documents from the VOC archives. These Malay manuscripts include genealogies, genealogical accounts and historical traditions of the Palembang Sultanate.
    In this work, some new facts were found about the royal line chiefly in the early period. The chronological list of raja's or sultans are given as follows:
    (1) Kiai Geding Sura. 1559/58 (H966)-1580/81 (H988). 22 years.
    (2) Kiai Geding Ilir. Kiai Geding Sura Muda. a younger brother of (1). 1580/81-1581/82 (H989). 1 year.
    (3) Kemas Depati. a son of (2). 1581/82-1593/92 (H1001). 12 years.
    (4) Pangeran Mading Suka. a younger brother of (3). 1593/92-1627 (H1036). 35 years.
    (5) Pangeran Made Alit. Raja Adipati. a younger brother of (4). 1627-1629 (H1038/39). 2 years.
    (6) Pangeran Siding Pura. Raja Raden Aria. a younger brother of (5) 1629-1636 (H1045). 7 years.
    (7) Pangeran Siding Kenayan. Raden Tumenggung. a son of (3). 1636-?.
    (8) Pangeran Siding Pesarian. a cousin of (7).: ?-?.
    (9) Pangeran Siding Rajak. a son of (8). ?-1660 (H1070). (7)-(9): total 25 years.
    An interregnum for some months.
    (10) Suhunan Abdulrahman. Sultan Abdul Jemal. Raden Tumenggung. a younger brother of (9). 1660 (H1071)-25 October 1701 (H1113) abdicated. 10 December 1706 died. 42 years.
    (11) Sultan Muhammad Mansur. Sultan Ingalaga. a son of (10). 1701-1714 (H1126). 13 years.
    (12) Sultan Kamaruddin. a younger brother of (11). 1714-1724 (H1136). 10 years.
    (13) Sultan Mahmud Badaruddin. a son of (11) and son-in-law of (12). 1724-1757 (H1171). 35 years.
    (14) Sultan Ahmad Najamuddin. a son of (13). 1757-1776 (H1190). 19 years.
    (15) Sultan Muhammad Bahauddin. a son of (14). 1776-1804 (H 1218). 28 years.
    (16) Sultan Mahmud Badaruddin. a son of (15). 1804-1812 (H 1227). 9 years.
    Probably, (8) Pangeran Siding Pesarian usurpted the throne from (7) by poisoning. Therefore, he and his descendants needed to claim their legitimacy that they should succeed to the thrones. One of means for claimimg the legitimacy was praising their family, especially Pesarian's father Raden Tumenggung Mancanegara and his sister Ratu Sinuhun, as the great founder of adat law in Palembang. This is the origin of the legend of Ratu Sinuhun.
  • 森 幹男
    民族學研究
    1969年 34 巻 3 号 286-287
    発行日: 1969/12/31
    公開日: 2018/03/27
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 十一世紀における城主支配圏・バン領主支配圏の形成
    木村 尚三郎
    法制史研究
    1958年 1958 巻 8 号 105-171,III
    発行日: 1958/03/30
    公開日: 2009/11/16
    ジャーナル フリー
    La féodalité en France au moyen âge se pent diviser en deux époques distinctes: le premier âge féodal (du IX<SUP>e</SUP> à la première moitié du X<SUP>e</SUP> siècle) et le deuxième (de la seconde moitié du X<SUP>e</SUP> à la première moitié du XII<SUP>e</SUP> siècle). L'indépendance du comte au roi caractérise le premier qui pourtant n'a pas encore generalisé la féodalisation dans le comté, dont l'ordre public se maintenait par le comte et ses fonctionnaires en dépit de 1'existance de beaucoup des immunistes n'ayant qu'à son tour le pouvoir de juridiction inférieure (des causale minores) comme un privilège fiscal. Féodalisation complète, c'est-à-dire celle jusque dans le comté est de 2<SUP>e</SUP> âge féodal. Ici, it n'y avait dans la société politique autre ordre des pouvoirs que de la féodalité, du lien vassalique dont 1'élément fondamentale était la châtellenie, unité de pouvoir indépendant aussi bien que de territoire. Le chatelain aurait derivré pour la plupart de fonctionnaire ou de vassal du comte (vicecomes, vicarius, miles, advocatus, etc.) qui s'était approprié le château comtal à son aise profitant de l'anarchie, le désagrégation de pouvoir public. Le seul gardien de la paix dans toute sa châtellenie, it exercait la justice de sang à cause de son pouvoir militaire qui se bien fondait sur son château, et it devient un des souches de la noblesse héréditaire de condition juridique en France médiévale. Il était en d'autre part un seigneur banal, faisant ses sujets de tous les paysans qui habitaient et cultivaient dans sa châtellenie.
    L'installation de la châtellenie aurait requis deux causes motrices : d'abord, la régression de la pouvoir de seigneur foncier d'ordinaire conformément à la dissolution du régime domanial qui s'est commencée à partir du IX<SUP>e</SUP> siècle, devenue décisive an XI<SUP>e</SUP> siècle ; ensuite, le renouveau commercial, beaucoup plus avantageux au châtelain qu'au seigneur foncier, car le paix dans un certain territoire était indispensable à la circulation et la transaction des marchandises.
    La châtellenie était -done une cellule de la féodalité en sa fleuraison et aussi une prémisse logique et historique de 1'établissement de pouvoir capétien dans le domaine royal au XIII<SUP>e</SUP> siècle.
  • 吉田 禎吾
    民族學研究
    1985年 50 巻 1 号 67-71
    発行日: 1985/06/30
    公開日: 2018/03/27
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 石井 洋子
    アフリカ研究
    2007年 2007 巻 71 号 174-176
    発行日: 2007/12/31
    公開日: 2010/04/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 永原 陽子
    アフリカ研究
    2007年 2007 巻 71 号 172-174
    発行日: 2007/12/31
    公開日: 2010/04/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ――インドネシア・西ジャワ州の場合――
    岡本 正明
    東南アジア研究
    2000年 38 巻 2 号 203-225
    発行日: 2000/09/30
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    The revolution that broke out in 1945 was not a complete turning point in the history of Indonesia, because the colonial indigenous bureaucrats and the colonial bureaucracy as a system survived the revolution and continued into the nation-state era. Why did this happen? This paper looks in particular at the indigenous bureaucrats, tracing their actions and behavior during and just after the revolutionary period (1945-1950) in West Java.
     During the colonial period, the West Javanese aristocratic class was coopted as colonial administrative bureaucrats, called Pangreh Praja (ruler of the realm), and had influence over the indigenous people.
     When the Republic of Indonesia (RI) declared its independence in August 1945,after the Japanese occupation, Pangreh Praja soon pledged their loyalty to the new nation-state and nearly became the republic bureaucrats with the central government's willing acceptance. It failed, however, for two reasons: the social revolution and the return of the Dutch. The social revolution swept through West Java, and in some parts of the region the top local Pangreh Praja were ousted and forced to flee. The central government of RI tried to reestablish the old order by installing other Pangreh Praja. This attempt failed because of the Dutch occupation of West Java. There the Dutch attempted to build a puppet state called Negara Pasundan. They recruited ex-colonial bureaucrats into the state apparatus, and many Pangreh Praja joined the state, even though they had formerly been RI employees.
     Negara Pasundan, however, was not recognized as a state by the Sundanese and in a few years it was disbanded and included into the RI. This brought about a crisis for the Pangreh Praja of Negara Pasundan. They were labeled as “cooperators” (Co) by the loyal RI supporters (Non). They were on the verge of being fired. But the upper echelon faired well. Why?
     First, they were useful human resources in the new nation-state. They were highly educated and had the knowledge and experiences to administer the state. Second, they had a close family network. The network encompassed both Negara Pasundan and RI, and attenuated the sharp attack against those on the Co side.
  • そのデザインの意義の変遷について
    内野 恵
    東南アジア -歴史と文化-
    2008年 2007 巻 36 号 72-99
    発行日: 2008/03/31
    公開日: 2010/02/25
    ジャーナル フリー
    Songket is a woven cloth decorated with motifs interwoven using supplementary gold thread. Palembang songket is characterised by a red background on which various motifs, such as flowers, stars and rhomboids, are interwoven with gold thread. The figures are categorised into three groups, i. e. flora, fauna and others, and these are combined to create certain patterns and designs. According to one artisan, all figures and patterns are traditional ones which have been woven for a long time.
    It is likely that songket was already woven in Palembang by noblewomen in 1670. Since the gold thread was previously made of real gold of 14 carats, this cloth was very expensive and restricted to noblewomen before the Palembang sultanate period was abolished by the Dutch in 1824. The regulation of wearing songket seems to have been strict; the design and colour which a noblewoman could wear was regulated according to her social status; songket was an important status marker of noblewomen. During the Dutch colonial period (1824-1942), the use of songket expanded to noblemen and the wealthy Chinese and Arabs. In the 1930s, songket weaving started to decline due to the Great World Depression and shortage of materials, and it was driven to the verge of extinction in the 1950s.
    In the mid-1960s, however, songket weaving was successfully revived, recruiting young people as new weavers and introducing new materials and technologies. Cheap versions of songket woven with artificial gold thread started to be sold in the market. The cheap versions of songket, the eclipse of the concept of ‘nobility’ after the Second World War and adat (customary law) protocols which stipulated that people should use songket in rites of passage encouraged the ordinary, less wealthy people of Palembang to wear and use songket in ceremonies. Songket has indeed been democratised and popularised, and its use has become a ‘new’ tradition for ordinary people. Nevertheless, it is also true that differences in the quality of songket still tend to differentiate the wearers in terms of wealth and status. Nowadays the regulations of wearing songket are no longer strict. People can wear whatever colours and designs they like. People try to follow adat as closely as they can when they use and wear songket, and songket has become an identity marker of people of Palembang.
    New styles of songket fashion are produced to attract younger female customers. These activities to expand the market are necessary for the development of the songket industry of Palembang. New designs and colour combinations are important factors which would attract new customers inside and outside Palembang. On the other hand, old people of Palembang tend to prefer traditional colours and designs; Palembang songket culture seems to maintain an appropriate balance between commercial-based culture and the local, relatively conservative one so far. No matter whether the design is a traditional or modified one, people of Palembang realise their identity when they wear Palembang songket.
  • 小泉 順子
    東南アジア -歴史と文化-
    1993年 1993 巻 22 号 36-66
    発行日: 1993/06/01
    公開日: 2010/02/26
    ジャーナル フリー
    This article examines the manpower control administration in Nakhon Ratchasima, an important first-class township located at the entrance to Northeast Siam, in the middle of the nineteenth century.
    A census taken in the 1850's suggests that more than 28, 000 adult-males both commoners and minor officials, were registered in Nakhon Ratchasima. They were classified under several categories: 14, 575 were registered with the chaomuang of Nakhon Ratchasima and its local officials; 6, 851 were registered with a dozen of its dependent townships; 1, 706 under kong nok of Nakhon Ratchasima paying suai (the head capitation tax) in kind; 1, 025 under kong nok raising cattle and elephants for the crown; almost 1, 000 registered with different nobles and officials in Bangkok; and 2, 192 under the Front Palace. There were also 1, 094 adult-males on the list who were registered with other townships, but were recorded as residing in Nakhon Ratchasima.
    Besides these adult-males on the registration list, ‘slaves’ are also found serving local elites perhaps as both a domestic and agricultural labor force. We also find several hundred of Chinese in Nakhon Ratchasima and its dependent townships paying the phuk-pi tax every three years.
    To consider the pattern of distinction in terms of duties owed by the various groups registered in Nakhon Ratchasima, a rather distorted picture emerges. It was those who were registered with eight particular dependent townships and under kong nok, whether phrai luang or phrai som, that regularly paid suai to the crown. They were also subject to conscription in the war with Vietnam during the third reign, with suai exemptions for their period of military service granted. On the other hand, commoners registered under the chaomuang and township officials of Nakhon Ratchasima, who are thought to be a township version of phrai luang, were not obliged to render any regular services to the crown. They were just occasionally conscripted during the war with Vietnam and sent at times to the construction works at Lop Buri and Phraphutthabat during the fourth reign.
    The division of interests between the crown and the local authorities over manpower resources in this township was extremely uneven. Since the number of adult-males who were placed under the local officials, and were thus not obliged to pay any regular services to the crown, preponderated, the king could control only a small part of the population there, i, e., those in kong nok and several dependent townships, through the suai imposition. The portion of the commoners who were obliged to send suai to the royal coffers was curtailed to one-third of the total registrees of each kong nok, since exemption was generously given for such reasons as being disabled or being a minor official.
    The control over manpower exercised by the crown in Nakhon Ratchasima remained peripheral. As indicated by the word ‘nok’ meaning “outside” “outer”, kong nok was a unit of manpower control established outside of the administrative body of the township. Its leaders stood outside of the main administrative hierarchy of the township officials. Very few among them, and among the chaomuang of the dependent townships subject to suai tax, were close relatives of the chaomuang of Nakhon Ratchasima.
  • 永崎 亮寛
    パーリ学仏教文化学
    1993年 6 巻 37-50
    発行日: 1993/05/05
    公開日: 2018/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 江川 温
    法制史研究
    2007年 2007 巻 57 号 378-382
    発行日: 2007年
    公開日: 2013/04/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 富沢 寿勇
    民族學研究
    1981年 46 巻 1 号 55-79
    発行日: 1981/06/30
    公開日: 2018/03/27
    ジャーナル フリー
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