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全文: "パフラヴィー語"
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  • 青木 健
    宗教研究
    2007年 81 巻 3 号 653-674
    発行日: 2007/12/30
    公開日: 2017/07/14
    ジャーナル フリー
    ゾロアスター教研究の資料には、六-一〇世紀に執筆された内部資料であるパフラヴィー語文献と、その他の言語による外部資料がある。外部資料の研究としては、ギリシア語・ラテン語、シリア語、アルメニア語、漢文、近世ヨーロッパ諸語などの資料ごとに纏まったコーパスがあるものの、アラビア語資料を用いた本格的な研究は依然としてなされていない。本論文は、アラビア語資料を完全に網羅した訳ではないが、ある程度の資料に当たって、アラビア語資料によるゾロアスター教研究の方向性を示した試論である。暫定的な結論として、サーサーン王朝時代のペルシア帝国領内のゾロアスター教は一枚岩ではなく、各地方ごとのゾロアスター教が存在したこと、パフラヴィー語文献は、そのうちのイラン高原南部のゾロアスター教を代表するに過ぎないこと、メソポタミアやイラン高原東部のゾロアスター教の実態は、却ってアラビア語資料から類推できることが判明した。
  • 岡田 恵美子
    オリエント
    1970年 13 巻 1-2 号 151-166,A196
    発行日: 1970年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    The romantic epic, “Vis u Ramin” was composed by Fakhr al-din As'ad Gurgani in the eleventh Christian century. On account of the following three aspects, this epic may be ranked as one of the most valuable works in Persian literature:
    (1) Being the earliest romantic epic extant, the work must have influenced on Persian literature to follow after it, to a great extent.
    (2) It is said that Fakhr al-din As'ad Gurgani versified in Persian from the basis of the story then existed in Pahlavi (a some earlier form of Pahlavi). The process, therefore, presents important materials to the field of philology as well.
    (3) The story “Vis u Ramin” is considered as a work of the Arsacid dynasty.
    With regard to the last two aspects, it should be best a for us to examine what the author-himself describes about them in his own epic.
  • 青木 健
    オリエント
    2002年 45 巻 1 号 229-235
    発行日: 2002/09/30
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 『アルタクシェール行伝』の一節に関連して
    伊藤 義教
    言語研究
    1966年 1966 巻 49 号 1-10
    発行日: 1966/03/31
    公開日: 2013/05/23
    ジャーナル フリー
    In Part I, the present writer has treated Karnamak i Artaxšer i Papakan (KN), §168 (Nosherwân's ed.)=chapt. XII 5 (Sanjana's ed.) where is read 'be y'lymwn 'amdb 'ap i 'to pat kar 'ne apdyet. In y'lymwn he has recognized a verbal form of Aramaic RWM (rum/rim) ‘to be high’, rather than that of 'LM, the hilpe'al of which means ‘to be silent. If the pe'al form of’ LM can mean the same, y'lymnin comes near to yele mun impf. 3rd pers. pl. masc. and the Pahlavi passage then would mean ‘Be silent! For us thy water is of no use.’, seemingly suitable to the context. But the second yoδ of y'lymwn cannot represent the shäwa mobile in yelemun. In Part II, the present writer has given a general survey on the wide employment of Aramaic RWM and its various derivatives. Among others it may be of some interest to note that in the 3rd line of the Aramaic inscription of Asoka near Qandahar, Afghanistan, Prof. Franz Altheim has successfully pointed out R'M as Aramaic ra'em. In the last Part, the present writer has come to the conclusion that 'be y'lymwn in KN § 168=XII 5 is nothing but 'be yabarimtin, yabarimun being haf'el imperfect 3. p1. masc. of RWM ‘to be high’, whcih was so widely employed throughout the Official Aramaic in Achaemenian period. Of the yabarimun, what is then the Pahlavi equivalent? In KN we have ‘she was drawing the water’ 'ap hame bext-§166), ‘I will draw the water’('ap banjam-§167), ‘draw the water!’('ap abanjet-170), ‘it was unable to draw up the bezak’(bizak.'ul kašitan 'ne šayast-§171), ‘it was unable to draw the bezak’(bezak. bextan 'ne šayast-§172), ‘'he drew up the bezak’(bizak.ul bext-§172), of which verbal expressions, Frahang i Pahlavik has the logoram YZLWNtn for kašitan ‘to draw’(cf. KN §171). Then the reading bextan or (a) banjitan for YHLYMWN (yabarimun) tn seems preferable. The present writer, therefore, would like to interpret KN § 168 in this way: 'be (a) banj!'amab 'ap i 'to pat kar'ne apayet ‘Draw [up the bezak]! We have no need of thy water.’ Needless to say, there is another way of possible interpretation: the af'el form of RWM is attested in the sense of ‘to remove’. The meaning of KN § 168 would be something like this: ‘Remove [the bezak]! We have no need of thy water.’, taking 'be as meaning ‘off, away’. To the present writer, however, this interpretation seems no preferable. Seeing that the girl was going to thraw down the bezak into the well, Shahpuhr said: ‘Thou shouldest not thraw down the bezak but pull it up: we have no need of thy water.’-so interprets the present writer.
  • 青木 健
    オリエント
    2002年 45 巻 1 号 75-95
    発行日: 2002/09/30
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    In my previous papers, I demonstrated how Zoroastrianism changed drastically after the downfall of the Sasanian dynasty. I have indeed made clear the substance of change in the following three points; (1) Until the 16th century, Zoroastrian priests split into three groups: according to my classification based on the geographical location the Yazd-Kermanian group, the Gujaratian group and the Shirazian group; (2) Among them, the Shirazian Zoroastrians might take over the Greek-philosophical tradition of the medieval Zoroastrian church; and (3) the leader of the Shirazian Zoroastrians Azar Kayvan had necessarily read Sufi writings but considered himself the true successor to ancient Zoroastrianism. But the cause (s) of these changes still remain unsettled.
    In this paper, I will deal with a main cause. It is difficult to explain these drastic changes of modern Zoroastrianism without supposing any outside stimulus, and this view should lead us to think that some political or social affairs played important role in establishing the new phase in the history of Zoroastrianism. If we are to seek political affairs relative to Zoroastrian community in Iran and India, we will find the enthronement of Akbar in Mughal India and its serious impact on Zoroastrian messianism.
    In this connection, I will attempt to show that there are many inherent incentives in Zoroastrian messianism after the downfall of the Sasanian dynasty until the 16th century, and Akbar's enthronement functions as a last stimulus for Zoroastrian messianism to take on a new aspect. This transformation, in its turn, has influence on the other thoughts of the Shirazian Zoroastrians, and indication of such facts justifies my assumption. Having said above, I conclude that the transformation of Zoroastrian messianism in Mughal India may be the main cause of the drastic changes in modern Zoroastrianism.
  • 黒柳 恒男
    オリエント
    1969年 12 巻 1-2 号 1-16,168
    発行日: 1969年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    Pancatantra, famous collection of animal fables of Indian origin, was translated into Middle Persian by Burzoe in the sixth century, but this version was lost. In the eighth century, Ibn al-Muqaffa' translated the Middle Persian version into Arabic prose and named it “Kalila wa Dimna” after the names of two jackals in the text. This Arabic translation became the basis for subsequent Persian versions.
    First of all, in the tenth century the famous poet of the Samanid court, Rudaki put the Arabic version into Persian verse form at Amir Nasr's request, but no more than several verses of this epic have survived.
    Abu al-Ma'ali Nasr Allah, probably a native of Shiraz, translated the Arabic version into Persian prose about 1144, which was dedicated to Bahram-Shah of Ghazna. This version was made in such an elegant style that it had effect on many later Persian works, such as “Akhlaq-i-Nasiri” and “Marzban-nameh”.
    About the end of the fifteenth century Husain Wa'iz Kashifi made by far the best known Persian version, entitled “Anwar-i-Suhaili”, which was aimed at simplifying and popularising Nasr Allah's version. But his style was much more bombastic and florid, with many exaggerated expressions and considerably expanded parts.
    This bombastic version became simplified in India and Abu al-Fadl, a famous historian and minister under Akbar, compiled a book, entitled “'Iyar-i-Danish”, which was derived from Kashifi's version.
  • 青木 健
    宗教研究
    2009年 82 巻 4 号 1121-1122
    発行日: 2009/03/30
    公開日: 2017/07/14
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 足利 惇氏
    オリエント
    1963年 6 巻 3 号 17-26,61
    発行日: 1963/12/25
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    What is Zoroastrianism in the Sasanian period? Of the highest god what ideas did the alleged Zoroastrians make at that time? Among the sources to meet these questions offering many problems difficult to be explained, first we may reckon Pahlavi documents, beginning from the early Sasanian inscriptions, down to the Zand and many other 9th Century books, and secondly those writings in peripheral languages such as Armenian, Syriac, Arabic, etc. Apart from the writings last mentioned, we can rightly refer to, as one of earliest Sasanian documents, Karter's inscriptions in Parsik. But as far as the theological tenets of Zoroastrianism are concerned, only few things decisive may be obtainable. One of them is the supreme God Ohrmazd's opposition against the highest Daimon Ahriman. This opposition can generally be found throughout the whole Zoroastrian literatures in Pahlavi, and even those influenced by Zurvanism can claim no exception of their own.
    As is well known, Ahriman goes also under the name of Ganak Menok. It is a Pahlavi rendering of Avest. Ahra Mainyu, of which the Pahlavi trans-literation is Ahriman. Since ganak is derived from gan-‘to strike, to hurt’, Ganak Menok ‘Destructive Spirit’ as such is nothing but a duplicate of Apra Mainyu, apra-<*ahra- in its turn going back to ah- “to destruct”. Ohrmazd <Ahura Mazda has also an appellative Spenak Menok or Spannak Menok, and is sometimes characterized with aßzonik “strengthening”. Spenak, Spannak or aßzonik is an opposite conception of ganak “destructive”. Thus, in its meaning Spenak Menok comes true to the characteristics of Ohrmazd, while in its morphology it points rather to Avest. Spenta Mainyu. In Pahlavi literatures, Ohrmazd is equal to Spenak Menok, Ahriman to Ganak Menok, and therefore Ohrmazd is to Ahriman what Spenak Menok is to Ganok Menok. This last equation, however, we cannot point out in the Gaθas.
    In Yasna 30, Spenta Mainyu as Speništa M. is opposed to Apra Mainyu as dregvant mainyu. The chapter seems to state that when the primitive whole, not divided yet, had discrimination as a result of its natural course, they, the Speništa Mainyu and the dregvant One created life and death, and elected the realization of Truth (aša) and that of Falsehood respectively. But the Speništa Mainyu is not Ahura Mazda himself, In Yasna 436, Ahura Mazda is requested to come to the judgement, ‘along with your (i. e. Ahura Mazda's) Spenta Mainyu’. The Supreme Lord created, throuph Spenta Mainyu, cow, water and plants (Yasna 5/7), therefore He being ‘Creator of all through Spenta Mainyu’ (Y. 447). To Spenta Mainyu is dedicated Yasna 47 where the Lord is called ‘father of Spenta Mainyu’ (§3). To his followers Ahura Mazda distributes haurvatat and ameretat, through Spenta Mainyu, Vohu Manah and Armaiti. The said bliss is refered to, not only as heavenly but also, it seems, as earthly (§5). He who deviates from Spenta Mainyu is, therefore, dregvant, and not ašavan (§4): the ašavan does his best —in words and deeds— for the sake of Speništa Mainyu (§2). Ahura Mazda may well be said World's Healor and Friend through this Spirit (Y. 442). Most probably Geuš tašan ‘Creator of Cow’ in Yasna 29 can be identified with this Spirit (Mainyu, Spenta Mainyu, Speništa Mainyu). With these statements we can safely say that Ahura Mazda and Spenta Mainyu is not one and the same Spirit, and that, of many ahuras, Spenta Mainyu is in a most intimate relation with the Supreme Lord, the activities of whom, the creation and the judgment, as well as the establishment of law are done through Spenta Mainyu. Opinions may be varied as to wh
  • 「シーラーズ系ゾロアスター教徒」の興亡
    青木 健
    オリエント
    2001年 44 巻 1 号 42-57
    発行日: 2001/09/30
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    The medieval Zoroastrianism, with all its name as the state religion in the Sasanian dynasty, was never firmly unified. According to the Pahlavi books, it seems, some Zoroastrian priests tried to establish the new doctrine different from the mythological dualism by uniting Greek philosophy (especially Neo-Platonism) and Zoroastrian angelology.
    Because Zoroastrianism itself, overwhelmed by the offensive of the Muslim power, faced a serious crisis after the 7th century, the new doctrine could not become the mainstream. Therefore, the Yazd-Kermanian Zoroastrians attached importance only to the mythological dualism, and did not show any interest in the philosophical doctrine.
    Taking these conditions into consideration, I will examine Zoroastrianism after the Islamic age on the basis of New-Persian books of the 16th century. The materials are hitherto-neglected books, and Iranologists have not so for taken up the subject I investigate. Despite those, I attempt to understand Azar Kayvan's doctrine expressed in those books by tying it to the doctrine of the philosophical priests of the 10th century.
    Upon examination, whereas the direct connection can not be shown, it has been confirmed that both doctrines resemble each other in the introduction of the emanationism. And moreover, I have shown that the Shirazian Zoroastrians quitted the mythological dualism more boldly than the priests of the 10th century by symbolizing it as a mere ascetic tale.
    Lastly, if I show this hypothesis in the history of Zoroastrianism in a diagram, it would look like the following:
    _??_ the medieval priests who attached more importance to the traditional myth (the majority)→the Yazd-Kermanian Zoroastrians after the 13th century→the Gujaratian Zoroastrians→the modern Parsis
    _??_ the medieval priests who liked philosophical speculations (the minority)→the Shirazian Zoroastrians after the 16th century→their extinction in the 17th century in northern India
  • 青木 健
    オリエント
    2001年 44 巻 1 号 173-179
    発行日: 2001/09/30
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 伊藤 義教
    言語研究
    1954年 1954 巻 26-27 号 91-105
    発行日: 1954/12/25
    公開日: 2010/11/26
    ジャーナル フリー
    The foundling story told of Kay Kavat in GrBd 23114-2321 has been treated by various scholars: E. W. West, SBE, vol.V, p.136; E. Herzfeld, Archaeol. Mitt. aus Iran (AMI) , I, p.149, n.2; A. Christensen, Les Kayanides, p.71 and recently H. W. Bailey, Bullet. of the School of Or. St.(BSOS) , VII, p, 69ff.; A. Christensen, BSOS, VII, p.483ff.; Bailey, BSOS, VII, p.759.* Christensen's final reading seems to be:
  • 榊 和良
    宗教研究
    2007年 81 巻 3 号 738-743
    発行日: 2007/12/30
    公開日: 2017/07/14
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 加藤 瑞絵
    宗教研究
    2009年 82 巻 4 号 1120-1121
    発行日: 2009/03/30
    公開日: 2017/07/14
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 岡田 明憲
    オリエント
    1997年 40 巻 1 号 183-187
    発行日: 1997/09/30
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 青木 健
    宗教研究
    2009年 83 巻 3 号 837-860
    発行日: 2009/12/30
    公開日: 2017/07/14
    ジャーナル フリー
    本論文は、現在までのザラスシュトラ研究の回顧から出発する。近年の研究によって、ザラスシュトラ観には、時代と共に変遷があることが明らかにされた。特に、一〇〜一三世紀に、ザラスシュトラ観が転回したことが確認されている。だが、この時期はゾロアスター教の内在的な文献を欠き、シリア語・アラビア語文献に頼って研究を進めなくてはならない。而して、二〇世紀半ば以降、この時期のイスマーイール派ペルシア学派文献の校訂出版が相次いだ。そこで、本論文ではナサフィー・ラーズィー論争に関するアラビア語テキストを主に、ザラスシュトラ観が「神官から預言者へ」変わる過程を検証する。最後に、ラーズィーがシリア教会に倣ってザラスシュトラをセム的一神教の異端と位置付けようとしたのに対し、ナサフィーは彼をセム的一神教の預言者と捉えようとして論争した経緯を明らかにする。結局、後者がイスラーム世界での共通認識になってゆくのである。
  • 田中 鉄也
    宗教研究
    2007年 80 巻 4 号 1121-1122
    発行日: 2007/03/30
    公開日: 2017/07/14
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 青木 健
    宗教研究
    2007年 80 巻 4 号 1120-1121
    発行日: 2007/03/30
    公開日: 2017/07/14
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 青木 健
    宗教研究
    2006年 79 巻 4 号 1233-1234
    発行日: 2006/03/30
    公開日: 2017/07/14
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 伊藤 義教
    言語研究
    1963年 1963 巻 44 号 1-13
    発行日: 1963/10/16
    公開日: 2013/05/23
    ジャーナル フリー
    E. Benveniste is the first to take up the problem of versification in Aßyatkari Zareran. He argues, JA. t. 220, pp.245-293, to the effect that the whole Memoir can be restored to its metrical form: six-syllabic verse, of which five, occasionally four or six, consititute a stanza marked fairly often either withassonance or with right rhyme.
    The present writer, however, would draw attention to the fact that in ancientIran an octosyllabic verse was of the type specially favoured in epic literature.It may naturally be supposed that this type of verse should have maintained itspopularity throughout centuries down to the mediaeval times. Was it not exactlythe case with our Aßyatkar? It is throughout the whole text-not exceptingthe initial and the final sections-that text-critical as well as metrical investigationsare likely to reveal eight-syllabic verses, as mentioned above, frequentlycharacterized by either assonance or right rime. Cf. pp.3, 6, 9, 10 where thepresent writer demonstrates how to reconstruct such octosyllabic verses. Thewhole text thus established in its early Middle Persian metrical form, while itabounds in Parthian elements, shows no more than seven instances of the hexametre stanza.
  • 主にゾロアスター教研究について
    青木 健
    オリエント
    2000年 43 巻 1 号 179-185
    発行日: 2000/09/30
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
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