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  • 嶋田 襄平
    オリエント
    1970年 13 巻 3-4 号 143-151,A200
    発行日: 1970年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    Circumstantial evidence is, as Dr. Soheil M. Afnan points out, in favour of Ibn al-Nadim's statement that Khalid b. Yazid b. Mu'awiya was the first to order the translation of Greek and Coptic books on medicine, astronomy and alchemy into Arabic; yet these precursory translators could not find their immediate successors. The intellectual awakening, which began with the establishment of the Abbasid dynasty and resulted in the brilliant age of translation, was a natural outcome of secretarial translations from Pahlevi under the late Umayyads. The present writer attempts to collect sporadic informations on earlier Arabic translators and on Pahlevi translation of Aristotelian logics by way of Syriac in the Sasanid period.
  • 前嶋 信次
    オリエント
    1962年 5 巻 1 号 67-80
    発行日: 1962/03/31
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ガブリエリ フランチェスコ, 吉岡 俊輔
    イタリア学会誌
    1970年 18 巻 119-126
    発行日: 1970/01/20
    公開日: 2017/04/05
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 余部 福三
    オリエント
    1983年 26 巻 1 号 69-84
    発行日: 1983/09/30
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 初期イスラム時代のイクター (要旨)
    嶋田 襄平
    オリエント
    1978年 21 巻 1 号 51-59
    発行日: 1978/09/30
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 亀谷 学
    日本中東学会年報
    2008年 24 巻 1 号 17-43
    発行日: 2008/09/25
    公開日: 2018/03/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    According to traditional understanding, "Caliph (khalifa)" stands for "the successor to the Apostle of God (Khalifat Rasul Allah)." Some scholars, however, claimed that its original meaning was "the Deputy of God (Khalifat Allah)." There are some issues to be considered in their argument. Firstly, they examined literary sources and inscriptional sources on the equal footing. Secondly, they did not examine other titles of Caliph as "Commander of the Faithful (Amir al-Mu'minin)" and "the Servant of God ('Abd Allah)." In this paper, the titles of Caliph in Umayyad period are examined based on inscriptional sources. The results of the investigation are: (1) the main title of Caliph was "Commander of the Faithful." The second title was "the Servant of God" and the formal form of reference to Caliphs was "the Servant of God, Caliph's name, Commander of the Faithful." The title "the deputy of God" appears only in the references to 5th Umayyad Caliph 'Abd al-Malik. (2) Titles of Caliph can be divided into two categories: title that concerned about the relation between Caliph and people ("the Commander of the Faithful"), and titles about the relation between Caliph and God ("the Servant of God," "the Deputy of God").(3) Adoption of the title "the Deputy of God" by 'Abd al-Malik was aimed to express the stronger connection between Caliph and God.
  • 中野 さやか
    日本中東学会年報
    2012年 28 巻 1 号 59-98
    発行日: 2012/07/15
    公開日: 2018/03/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    In this article, I will focus on 97 singers whose biographies are recorded in Kitāb al-Aghānī, written by Abū al-Faraj al-Iṣfahānī. The aim is to analyze the parent-child and teacher-student relationships between the singers and the way in which the singers were connected with the courts of the Umayyad and Abbasid dynasties. In the first chapter, I will analyze the 97 singers appearing in the book according to the periods during which they lived and the social status they had, with reference to a list of the singers. Subsequently, I will attempt to identify a large faction of professional singers existing among the 97 singers. In the second chapter, I will analyze how this large group of singers was connected with the courts of the Umayyad dynasty and the Abbasid dynasty. Through this analysis, I would like to make clear the social role the singers took on and also the cultural continuity between the Umayyad court and the Abbasid court. In the third chapter, I will focus on 100 Songs, that were selected from those sung in the Abbasid court. Those songs were applied by the author, Abū al-Faraj al-Iṣfahānī, as the first criteria in selecting songs for Kitāb al-Aghānī. Here, it should be noted that 100 Songs includes lyrics written by singers whose individual biographies and anecdotes are not recorded in the book. A comparison between such “anonymous” singers and the large faction of major singers whose information is recorded in the book in detail will reveal the way in which people from the ninth century through the tenth century adopted and rejected information concerning the court.
  • 佐藤 次高
    オリエント
    1978年 21 巻 1 号 172-177
    発行日: 1978/09/30
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 医王 秀行
    オリエント
    1989年 32 巻 1 号 1-19
    発行日: 1989/09/30
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    Under the 'Abbasid dynasty, qadis in Kufa differed from those in Medina in their origin, personal connections and scholastic tendencies. In Kufa, the influence of Ibrahim Nakha'i, Ibn Abi Layla and Abu Hanifa was strong, and their relatives and disciples assumed the post of gadis. There were political strives behind the appointment and dismissal of qadis. Sharik became a qadi after Ibn Abi Kayla who was cooperative with the government, but he lost his post due to the persecution of unorthodoxy in the reign of al-Mahdi. After Abu Yusuf assumed the post of a qadi al-qudat, many disciples of Abu Hanifa became qadis in Kufa in the days of Barmakid and al-Ma'mun. Liberal tendencies in Iraq in those days appear to have been reflected in the views of qadis and lawyers of Kufa.
    This tendency and pro-Shi'ite trends in Kufa came into conflict with the qadis and lawyers in Medina. Among the qadis of Medina there were few scholars who studied law and Hadith, but people of the Bakr and 'Umar families, who were descendents of Abu Bakr and 'Umar condemned by the Shi'ites held many posts of qadis in Medina. It may be said that they were able to manage legal and administrative affairs in the Holy Place not because of their learning but because of their authority which they derived from being descendents of powerful families.
  • 山中 由里子
    オリエント
    1998年 41 巻 2 号 229-244
    発行日: 1998年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    In the ethico-didactic literature of the Middle East, Aristotle and Alexander frequently appear as an inseparable pair. In the Arabic adab literature, they are represented as a sort of paradigm of master philosopher and royal pupil, or the vizier and the wise king. In these works, ideals of kingship and sovereignty are expressed through the authority of Aristotle, often in the form of letters of advice addressed to Alexander. This image of the model tutor-pupil or vizier-king diffused into the more popular wisdom (hikma) literature, that is anthologies of maxims and anecdotes ascribed to sages of the past. And the Arab ethical writings in turn influenced the depiction of Aristotle and Alexander in the Persian versions of the Alexander Romance.
    In the following paper, we shall investigate the early stages of the development of this theme. First we will examine the fragments of information we have in classical sources about their relationship, notably on Aristotle's letters or counsels to Alexander. Then we shall discuss the intercultural significance of the Arabic translation and adaptation of a Greek collection of epistles, supposedly exchanged between Aristotle and Alexander, made at the time of the reign of the Umayyad Caliph Hisham (724-43) by his secretary Salim Abu al-cAlac
  • 堀内 勝
    オリエント
    1971年 14 巻 1 号 43-76,A186
    発行日: 1971年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    It is almost impossible for us to define the origins of singing and poetry and the like, because they hide themselves behind the mist of their ancient legends and disclose no real features.
    Although somewhat fruitless to investigate, the origin must be observed along the history of music and literature. Arabic songs, as I consider, rest their primitive form on either Huda' (caravan song) or Buka' (lamenting song). Each has its affirmative reasons to be first, but here I dare to choose the former as the more suitable one and try to report in this essay the origin and early development of Arabic songs, assuming that Huda' would be in typical concordance with Arabian nature, that is “DESERT”. When travelling in the desert what relations can exist between camel and camel-driver in the deep silence of the desert in addition to the footsteps of the camels and rhythmical swaying on the camel-back?
  • 医王 秀行
    オリエント
    1993年 36 巻 1 号 1-17
    発行日: 1993/09/30
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    When Khaybar was conquered by Muhammad, the Jews of Fadak also submitted to him and concluded an agreement to hand over half the produce. Unlike the case of Khaybar, Fadak was not acquired by force of the muslims, so Muhammad owned its produce and used at his discretion. But, in the absence of reliable sources, Prophet's historical conducts remain guesses. Baladhuri and Waqidi deal with this treaty in their works, in which the Jews of Fadak gave up half of their lands. But this opinion must be held from the theory of sulh afterwards.
    On the death of the Prophet, Fatima asked Abu Bakr about her share in her father's inheritance claiming that Fadak was one of the sadaqat presented by the Prophet. Subsequently, Fadak became an object of the dispute among the schools of law or between Sunnis and Shi'ites. 'Abbasid caliph al-Ma'mun, who took pro-shi'ite policy, judged this problem and returned the land of Fadak to the 'Alids.
    Sunni and shi'ite hadith show the different view in regard to the sadaqa, the inheritance of the Prophet. In the shi'ite view, Fatima has become inheritor of the Prophet, and the use of his sadaqa is permissible for the family of the Prophet. But the Sunnis concluded that the Prophet didn't leave inheritance, and what he left became sadaqa as the public interest of the muslims, rejecting the use of sadaqa by the family of the Prophet.
  • 森本 公誠
    オリエント
    1976年 19 巻 2 号 85-110,204
    発行日: 1976年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    One of the most important institutions characterizing the early Caliphate was the system of diwan set up by 'Umar I. It had two aspects, i. e., one as a system of collecting taxes from the conquered peoples, and the other as that of distributing them, as pensions, to the Arabs. The latter is noteworthy because this system had influence not only on the Arab community but on the political, military and judical institutions in the Arab empire. In spite of this importance of the system, only the diwan of Medina established by 'Umar I has by now been examined and introduced to the scholarly world, no studies of those of the garrison towns (amsar) being available, except the case of Basra. Thus, the purpose of this paper is to shed light on the contents of diwiins which functioned as Arab rosters in Egypt, clarifying that they form the basic material of studies of the system of registration and pensions in the early Islamic Period. The first diwan of Egypt, including the names of 12, 300 to 15, 000 fighting men, was drawn up in A. H. 21, immediately after the Conquest. It is perceptible that three principles were adopted on the occasion of the registration: (1) to preserve the existing tribal groups as much as possible, (2) to reorganize tribes so that each group consists of a definite number of persons, and (3) to treat preferentially persons who contributed toward the expansion of Islam. As regards the second diwan drawn up by the governor 'Abd al-`Aziz b. Marwan, we have an important Greek papyrus from which we can infer the content of the diwan. This papyrus raises and answers many historical problems. For instance, the conclusion may be derived that unlike the common opinion of scholars, the use of Greek as official language before A. H. 87, when the Arab authority abolished it, was not restricted to the financial operations, but adopted for the registration of Arabs and the payment of pensions to them. Even if we admit that once the first diwan was drawn up in Arabic, it will not affect the above said conclusion.
  • 医王 秀行
    オリエント
    1990年 33 巻 2 号 117-123
    発行日: 1990年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ムスリム勢力の拡大の一プロセスとして
    太田 敬子
    オリエント
    1993年 36 巻 1 号 18-37
    発行日: 1993/09/30
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    al-Thughur al-Shimiya was western part of the Arabo-Byzantine borderland, along the Taurus and the Amanus Mountains. In the early Islamic period, when the Byzantines were obliged to withdraw from Syria to Anatolia, towns and fortresses in this region was destructed and its inhabitants evacuated with Byzantine army. Then this region remained devastated as a buffer zone between the Byzantine and the Muslim territories. The project of reconstruction of this region by the hands of the Muslims began from the second half of the Umayyad period, and the 'Abbasids succeeded it. As a result of the efforts of them, al-Thughur al-Shamlya was reestablished as the Muslim territory. Then, the Muslims planed to expand their sphere to the region behind the Taurus Mountains. But soon they give up this attempt, and the Arabo-Byzantine border once was stabilized on the line along the Taurus Mountains. After that, al-Thughur al-Shamiya became one of the most prosperous Muslim districts, not only as a outpost of the Muslim expeditions to the Byzantine territory but as a commercial and cultural center of the Muslims. This article aims to trace a history of reconstruction of this region and reexamine some characteristics of it, from a view point of the expansion of the Muslim territory and the extend of Islamization in the Middle East.
    As a border area, political and military predominance of the Muslims in this region did not establish swiftly as compared with other districts in the Middle East, and Muslim rule had been threatened by Byzantine reactions to recover there. The vulnerability of this region resulted in a great excess of expenditure, which needed to be compensated by help of the central government and booty or other gains from the expeditions. In result, it can be said that Muslim community had not been stabilized in al-Thughur al-Shamiya, and Islamization of this region were superficial. Thus, when the 'Abbassid dynasty became declined and Muslim hegemony was weakened in general, this region soon was reconquered by the Byzantines and all of the Muslim settlements were abandoned.
  • 林 俊雄
    史学雑誌
    1982年 91 巻 5 号 808-812
    発行日: 1982/05/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 馬場 多聞
    嗜好品文化研究
    2017年 2017 巻 2 号 109-115
    発行日: 2017年
    公開日: 2022/08/31
    研究報告書・技術報告書 オープンアクセス
  • 中見 立夫
    史学雑誌
    1982年 91 巻 5 号 802-808
    発行日: 1982/05/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 蔀 勇造
    オリエント
    1986年 29 巻 1 号 129-137
    発行日: 1986/09/30
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • オリエント
    1991年 34 巻 2 号 175-195
    発行日: 1991年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
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