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  • 金子 春生, 澤田 大吾, 小河 浩, 風呂本 武典, 田上 敦士, 下田 旭美, 小川 春樹
    広島商船高等専門学校紀要
    2023年 45 巻 19-26
    発行日: 2023/03/31
    公開日: 2023/06/23
    研究報告書・技術報告書 フリー
    This paper describes Contemporary history written by six studies Faculties in National Institute of Technology,Hiroshima college. This chapter will be the establishment process of Republic of the Philippines.
  • 第三世界 その政治的諸問題
    滝川 勉
    国際政治
    1969年 1969 巻 39 号 1-12
    発行日: 1969/10/07
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010, xvii+319pp.
    中西 嘉宏
    アジア経済
    2012年 53 巻 2 号 36-39
    発行日: 2012/02/15
    公開日: 2022/09/09
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 浅井 得
    新地理
    1954年 3 巻 1 号 1-15
    発行日: 1954/10/10
    公開日: 2010/08/10
    ジャーナル フリー
    The author intend to make it clear how the Karens, as a minority race have occuppied their present situation in Burma.
    They were originally the inhabitants in Upper Burma, but driven away by the Shans from there to Lower Burma, and then secured a sure meaning of living through the cultivation of rice-fields on and around the Irrawaddy Delta.
    They are the so-called Plain Karens, and besides them, a small numder of the Hill Karens live in the vicinity of Karenni States in eastern Burma. There are some differences both physical and philological.
    As the Burmese who are the majority race, are suppressing the Karens and intend to put them back to the mountain district again, troubles are yet ceaseless between them. These troubles are not about territory, which, are rather disputed between the Hindoos and the Burmese or the Karens, but are mainly owing to their feelings.
    During Burma was under the occupation of the Japanese Army, most of the Karens co-operated with Great Britain, and the autonomous rights after the war was promised for them. But after the war, the promise of Burma's independence from Great Britain ceased to exist as a matter of course. So the Karens who did not desire to be put under the rule of the Burmese, raised a domestic revolt in 1948, and following up their victory, dashed toward Rangoon and were about to occupy it. At the same time, the Communists in Burma rised in revolt, and the Burmese government of Socialists Party appeared to fall at any moment. But, then, Great Britain gave the support of arms to the governmental army, the Karens failed in the revolt, and nowadays they are pressed to the eastern mountain district.
    Now the governmental authority has the intention of Permitting them to establish a self-governing nation in the eastern mountain district, but the Karens whose stronghold of living is on the Irrawaddy Delta, will not be satisfied with it. So there still remains a number of difficulties, to solve the problems between them.
  • 荒 哲
    アジア研究
    2018年 64 巻 3 号 33-59
    発行日: 2018/07/31
    公開日: 2018/08/28
    ジャーナル フリー

    This study is intended to answer the following questions: what caused some of the Filipino masses to collaborate with the Japanese?; and why did their collaboration for the Japanese bring about severe violence?

    Over seventy years or so since the end of the Asia-Pacific War in Asia, numerous academic works have been discussing so far the subject matters on the Japanese Occupation of the Philippines. However, only a few of them have discussed the issues of the collaboration with the perspectives from “below.” Even though there have been published numerous studies on the Filipino popular history, very few historians have examined the nature of collaborationism transpired in the local setting of the Philippines with such perspectives.

    This paper aims to shed light on rampant severe violence frequently happened among the masses or locals in Leyte Island of the Philippines, one of the rural areas of the country, during the Japanese occupation, that have not yet been thoroughly examined in Philippine historiography. Applying theoretical frameworks of Ranajit Guha (2007) dealing with the historical study on the mass movement in India, this study tries to clarify the characteristics of the mass violence by focusing on the actuations of a number of actors, most of whom belonged to low middle class including some local governmental officials (municipal mayors, treasurers, or chieftains of small villages in the province), local small merchants or landless peasants with a scant educational background. These kind of people tended to be treated as minor actors in “periphery” in the Philippine society when describing the history of the Japanese occupation of the Philippines. Some of them were said to be involved in severe violence during the time of their organizing some paramilitary groups for the Japanese such as the Home Guard in Ormoc or Jutai in Abuyog. Being minor one in Philippine historiography, the significance of mass violence have had been ignored, and these violent incidents were considered nothing but black side of patriotic movements against the Japanese initiated by the anti-Japanese guerrilla groups. Therefore, their involvement in the local history have been forgotten on the minds of locals and local historians as well.

    Discussing several cases presented in this paper, the author tries to posit that such minor actors in “periphery” of the Philippine society tried to delineate themselves in the elite-dominated society like Leyte Province by collaborating with the Japanese. Unfortunately, their activities were too sporadic to unite other minor elements toward the unified movement as the Sakdal Movement or Hukbalahap Movement in Luzon Island did during that time.

  • 後藤 乾一
    外交史料館報
    2013年 27 巻 1-25
    発行日: 2013年
    公開日: 2022/03/15
    研究報告書・技術報告書 フリー
  • ――フィリピン中部マアシンにおける水源林再生事業と地域社会――
    永井 博子
    東南アジア研究
    2014年 51 巻 2 号 197-226
    発行日: 2014/01/31
    公開日: 2017/10/31
    ジャーナル フリー
    Since it was proclaimed as a watershed reserve in 1923, the Maasin Watershed in Central Panay, Philippines has been a site of conflict and negotiation for issues such as environmental protection, development and the survival of residents. When a government rehabilitation program was carried out in 1997, more than 60 percent of the area was cultivated land. Through the implementation of community-based forest management under the larger framework of sustainable development, the Maasin Watershed Rehabilitation Program was held up as one of the success stories of the country. The area is now covered in green, the residents are organized, and the social enterprise of non-timber forest products is flourishing. An ethnographic study, however, reveals its downside on the community level: loss of farms and food production, the failed ideal of social equity and the possibility of impoverishment. This study examines the project from the people's viewpoint, and scrutinizes the problems in recontextualization in relation to the dominant framework of community participation, the existing customary ownership of the land and resources, and community governance on local bamboo production.
  • 芹澤 隆道
    東南アジア研究
    2012年 50 巻 1 号 109-139
    発行日: 2012/07/31
    公開日: 2017/10/31
    ジャーナル フリー
    The issue of Filipino political collaboration under Japanese occupation (1941-45) has evoked several controversies within Filipino and American scholarship. The former has dwelt on the issue of patriotism while the latter has focused on the wartime resilience of the oligarchic elite. This paper rethinks those issues with a particular focus on “Americanization” in the Cordillera Mountain Societies of Northern Luzon. The indigenous residents in that area were generally called (and officially termed) “Igorot” during the American colonial period. Under the name of “benevolent assimilation,” Igorot intellectuals collaborated with Americans and their lowlander counterparts in order to modernize their societies, which ultimately led to further discrimination as well as exploitation by their “developed” patrons.
     During the Japanese Occupation, a group of the Mitsui Mining Company was able to mobilize Filipino workers and conduct copper mining at Mankayan located in the southwestern part of the Mountains. As revealed in Mitsuiʼs memoirs edited in 1974, the group’s operations could not be handled without depending on the former colonial relationships at the mining sites. The Japanese friendship narrative with the Filipinos was also the product of ethnic tension between lowlander and Igorot created by American colonial policy. On the other hand, local accounts showed that the reason behind Igorot intellectuals’ collaboration with Japan as well as resistance to it was the desire to modernize, a pattern first found during the American colonial period. In conclusion, I show the contradictions of “Americanization” in Igorot societies, which led to both emancipation and repression during the Japanese Occupation.
  • 荒 哲
    東南アジア研究
    2013年 51 巻 1 号 70-108
    発行日: 2013/07/31
    公開日: 2017/10/31
    ジャーナル フリー
    Most of the literatures on the Japanese occupation of the Philippines in the local setting tend to focus on the “achievements” of anti-Japanese guerrilla movements. Meanwhile, except for some academic works conducted by the American historian, Alfred McCoy, other aspects of the Japanese occupation in rural areas of the country—such as political strife or factionalism among the local elites—have been avoided in discussions since it has been tabooed since the end of the Asia-Pacific War. Taking the academic gap into consideration, this article examines the memory of the war among local residents in certain area of the Philippines, Leyte. Interviews were conducted in the province of Leyte, focusing on political violence or atrocities in three towns—Ormoc, Abuyog, and La Paz. This article also clarifies that war atrocities in the province were attributed not only to the Japanese occupation policy but also to the political factionalism among the local elites, regardless of their political stance toward the Japanese occupying forces. Their political ambition became quite fierce during the Japanese occupation period, leading to bloody outcomes in each municipality. After the war, the elites’ violence or atrocities were “absolved” by local residents so they could establish their political and economic hegemony over the province.
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