With industrialization, which originated from the Industrial Revolution, and with development of transport facilities, urban population showed a remarkable increase. In England and Wales, the urban population was about 20 percent of the whole at the beginning of 19th century, but it increased to 80 percent at the beginning of 20th century. Ever since the population ratio of urban of rural districts has remained almost unchanged, notwithstanding the increase in total population.
In those times when the urban population increased rapidly, “urban environment” was taken up as an important problem. The Public Health Act and Acts concerning Housing of the Working Class were carried into execution. The administrative organization was reformed simultaneously. When the urban population was nearly maximum, E. Howard put forward a doctrine for Garden City, that afterwards led to the fundamental principles of metropolis planning. Urban areas kept on sprawling together with automobile development. The Greater London Plan and the County of London Plan to distribute the population were proposed in view of making up London Conurbation as an ideal urban region. These plans, covering the road program for motorization of the city, were developed into the reconstruction basis of London in the immediate post-war years. As the results, establishment of green belts and construction of new towns along with Howard's idea of Garden City were brought to realization.
These plans, grounded on a great deal of researches made by various committees, were the best for that time. But the population distribution program turned out fruitless because of rapid growth of employment in London region, so far as to be criticized “The Greater London plan of 1944 was prepared in restrictionist mood on premises inherited from a period of economic depression, ……it was based on the assumption that there would be a stationary population, economy and culture. It has hardly been a suitable framework for the guidance of development in a period of expansion.” The Royal Commission on Local Government in Greater London stated, “We have no hesitation in finding as a fact that the presuppositions of the Greater London Plan requir early reconsideraticn.” It is noteworthy that this Commission assume that the Green Belt Policy will be maintained and the boundary of the Review Area runs mainly through the Green Belt. Although there were criticism against the Green Belt Policy, millions of pounds have been spent by the Government on compensation and the green belt expansion overtures have been made. This proves how inveterat ely the Green Belt Policy in England has been framed to date.

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‘The Third Wave’ of democratization worldwide finally reached the African continent in the 1990s. If democratization of the Third World is essentially the establishment of civil society (Kiichi Fujiwara), we could investigate the democratization of Africa by analysing the formation process of its civil society. The debate on civil society in Africa became popular in the 1990s, after the frustrations experienced by the structural adjustment policy of the World Bank and the IMF. Thus, some people argue that the role of civil society, and NGOs in particular, was consciously emphasised by the World Bank and the IMF which wanted to turn people's attention away from their failure.
From the viewpoint of African indigenous societies state and capitalist economic system were both imposed from outside by European powers. In analysing civil society in Africa we first need to recognise this alienated character of state and economic system. G. W. F. Hegel clearly recognised autonomous character of civil society from state, and saw civil society as an arena for realising private economic interests. K. Marx followed the latter point and regarded civil society as bourgeois economic relations. In contrast, A. Gramsci differed civil society from ecnomonic relations, arguing that both civil society and political society constituted the state. In African debate J. -F. Bayart sees civil society as fundamentally confronting with state, while V. Azarya stresses cooperative relations between civil society and state.
Some people like Kiyoaki Hirata stresses the ‘private’ character of civil society against the ‘public’ character of state. P. Ekeh argues that there are two publics in Africa, primordial public and civic public, and that dialectic relations between the two publics constitute African politics. His argument is important in that it indicates the existence of something ‘public’ other than state. Others like M. Bratton and M. Swilling put civil society somewhere between private and public. We could call this the third realm as ‘common’ realm, where civil society is situated.
The roots of civil society organisations in South Africa date back to the Apartheid period. While white people enjoyed a liberal democratic system to a certain stage with various autonomous organisations within their community, various black organisations including trade unions, student oraganisations and civics were developed rapidly at the very end of Apartheid period. Since the establishment of ANC government in 1994 civil society has been officially recognised and has participated in the policy formulation process. Among various civil society organisations NGOs are most active, the number of which are estimated as between thirty and eighty thousand.
Civil Society will continue to play an important role in South Africa. Yet, we also should recognise that diversification and stratification among various civil society organisations is now emerging. The corporatist negotiation system between labour, capital and state like NEDLAC even may have a danger of excluding poorer segments of the society, considering the fact that 43% of Africans are simply unemployed. It is a serious question for both state and civil society who will stand proxy for the poorest of the poor.

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　本稿では，土木において風土の問題は極めて重大であろうとの認識の下，風土に関する代表的哲学書である和辻哲郎著「風土：人間学的考察」（1943）を批評することを通じて，土木工学への知見を得ることを目指した．和辻の哲学的存在論の基本的立場を踏まえることで，各種土木事業が地域のあり方のみならず，地域の人々の人間存在そのものに根元的影響を及ぼし得る可能性が浮かび上がることを指摘した．それと共に，和辻風土論には「健全なる風土と不健全なる風土」との別が論理的に指し示され得ないという実践倫理哲学上の問題点が潜んでいることを指摘し，その問題点が土木において和辻風土論を参照するにあたっての重大な障害となることを指摘した．その上で，その問題点を超克するためのアプローチとして，近代保守思想を参照し，援用することの有効性を論証した．

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 In 2001, decree No. 2001-1361 made it obligatory to arrange for a caretaker, called Gardien(ne), in social housing in France. This study examines the argument process of this decree, whereby the French government introduced human management in social housing. The results are follows: - The Gardien(ne) system is a part of crime prevention through environmental design against vandalism in common spaces.
- Most of the system's initial cost is paid by the government housing budget and real estate tax exemptions rather than by the social housing agency, which can demand three-fourths of the running cost from inhabitants.

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Seit einigen Jahren tadelt man heftig die literarische Theorie von Georg Lukács, die sich unter dem Einfluß von Hegel und Marx-Engels gebildet hat, als Revisionismus. Wenn man sich aber im bloßen Gegensatz zu ihm befindet, wird man die literarische Theorie nicht mehr entwickeln können. Um Lukács' Theorie zu überwinden, muß man daher ihre Entwicklung in Betracht nehmen. Nach meiner Meinung hat seine Theorie, deren Größe besonders darin besteht, die Probleme des Realismus und der Gattung zu verfolgen, den Höhepunkt in der Periode zwischen 1936 und 1941 erreicht.
Hier beschäftige ich mich vor allem mit dem sogenannten “Sieg des Realismus”, da dieses Problem heute viel aktueller ist. Lukács legt über “den zerbrochenen Krug” von Kleist so umständlich dar, daß ich auch den Schlüssel zum “Sieg des Realismus” in der Untersuchung dieses Werkes zu finden versuche.

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介護保険制度は、官民パートナーシップにより再生産労働を社会的サービスとして提供する制度である。社会的サービスは政府の財政で事業者がサービスを提供し、利用者がそれを購入する形式の福祉制度であり、私的領域で行われた再生産労働が公的領域に移った変化である。この変化はおよそ19世紀にさかのぼる。19世紀には「出生率、死亡率、平均寿命といった人口現象をめぐり、制度・技術・知識が結合したもの」である「社会的なもの」が形成され、福祉制度が成立した。生命の再生産にかかわる諸過程である再生産労働はこの時期から「社会的なもの」になり、福祉制度に入ることで公的関心の対象になった。本稿では、こうした背景を踏まえた上で日本の介護保険制度が提起する論点を考察する。介護保険制度における労働者と利用者の両方に焦点を当て、第一に、女性移住労働者が高齢者ケアを賃労働で担うことを果たして女性の公的領域への「進出」として見なせるかを考察する。19世紀においても現在においても「社会的なもの」である福祉制度は、再生産労働を公的なものとして可視化したが、相変わらず女性の労働である点でジェンダーと結びついている。第二に、国民年金制度には国籍条件があるが、介護保険制度には国籍条件が緩和されているため、日本国籍を持たない人々も介護サービスが利用できる。一部の在日朝鮮人も国民年金制度の対象にはならないが、介護保険制度の対象にはなる。国民年金制度が主権の作用する制度であり、介護保険制度が生権力の作用する制度であるとするなら、生権力は主権が排除した「非国民」を「人口」として包摂する。本稿は、こうした二つの考察を通して今後、再生産労働を再構築することに貢献することを目的とする。

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