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全文: "ブリーラム県"
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  • タイにおけるパルプ産業のジレンマ
    生方 史数
    アジア研究
    2007年 53 巻 2 号 60-75
    発行日: 2007/04/30
    公開日: 2014/09/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    There are many claims that the large-scale plantation monoculture of trees is accompanied by negative social and environmental impacts such as ecological disturbances and infringement of human rights. In this sense the recent structural shift in the Thai forestry sector, most typically in the pulp industry, deserves attention. This paper examines how the pulp industry in Thailand has developed a farm-based supply system for its raw material, namely eucalyptus, and how at the same time the industry’s intrinsic dilemma has developed within a free market economy. The relevant actors—the government, firms and villagers—are discussed according to their strategies and responses to their socioeconomic situations.
    The high social costs that resulted from the anti-eucalyptus movements during the late 1980s pushed aside the first strategy used by the business sector and the government to ensure a stable supply of eucalyptus, i.e. that of a ‘plantation-based’ supply system. By the early 1990s, the second-best strategy, a‘ farm-based’ supply system, had been chosen. The sociopolitical situation after the ‘Bloody May’ events in 1992, which led to the creation of Anand Panyarachun’s second government, contributed significantly to this shift. Given their situation, some farmers agreed to plant eucalyptus in response to the rapid rural socioeconomic changes.Thus it seems that the difficulty of further land reclamation by farmers and the sociopolitical situation in Thailand during the early 1990s, including the development of civil society, triggered a ‘voice’ that had some affect on governmental policies and the behavior of firms. Such changes did not occur in other countries such as Brazil, South Africa and Indonesia, where the industry manages its own plantations to ensure a stable supply of raw material. It may even be said that a unique market system, which, to some extent, reduces the negative social and environmental impacts of the industry, have emerged in Thailand as a result of social pressure, as suggested by ecological modernization theory.
    This system, however, had a serious flaw in terms of economies of scale in the case of both eucalyptus and pulp production. A case study suggests that a differentiation of eucalyptus management has been in progress in the villages. Market saturation and the 1997 economic crisis also worsened market conditions for planters. Even pulp mills faced constraints in increasing their production capacities because of their own raw material supply systems. Thus, firms in the Thai pulp industry face a choice of whether to follow a ‘plantation-based’ or a ‘farm-based’ system, and their choice is influenced by the tradeoff between social costs and economies of scale.
  • ―タイ政治の分岐点をめぐって―
    髙橋 正樹
    国際政治
    2016年 2016 巻 185 号 185_49-185_65
    発行日: 2016/10/25
    公開日: 2016/11/22
    ジャーナル フリー

    This paper argues that the Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand, Buddhist Era 2540 (1997 Constitution) required nationalization of party and catchall party, and that Thaksin Shinawatra (Thaksin) and his Thai Rak Thai (TRT) party won the majority in the 2001 and 2005 elections because he could succeeded in making the TRT catchall party. The nationalization of party and catchall party nationalized Thai politics which replaced the previously atomized political space in Thailand.

    Thai politics have become unstable and authoritarian since the 2001 election. Mass politics have emerged and linked to elite politics, which previously were separate from the masses including farmers. However, most studies on the 1997 Constitution and Thaksin politics have focused on the ways that the 1997 Constitution helped Thaksin and the TRT win the elections, which allowed them to challenge the traditional political powers. Focusing on elite politics is necessary, but it is not sufficient to explain current Thai politics, which have essentially changed in response to mass participation in national politics. Before the 2001 election, the electorate was atomized regarding candidates or a district’s Puak (informal political groups) through patron-client relations and influence peddling. Elections were limited to individual candidates, and the brands of political parties and their platforms were not important to election campaigns. Therefore, the electorate was not engaged in national politics even when it was highly aware of those politics because the political structure was a fragmented political space.

    The 1997 Constitution established a system for elections in single-member districts, a party list system, and a powerful prime minister. The new institutional changes required the nationalization of party and, which, in turn, provided strong incentives to implement social policies that spread benefits throughout the country. TRT was able to respond to the changes using Puak politics, social policies, and image-oriented election campaigns to win the national majorities. However, TRT did not build a strong national-level party organization because Thai society lacks strong mid-level groups connecting the electorate to political parties, such as labor unions, agricultural cooperatives, and civic groups.

    As a result of the nationalization of party and advent of social policies, the farmers, large part of electorate, began to demand political citizenship and social citizenship, which promoted the nationalization of political space. The middle class, as part of the masses, and the elite, such as the junta, the bureaucrats, and the monarchy, oppose the nationalization of politics because they feel it challenge their interests.

  • その歴史的変遷と現代における伝承と創作の共存
    岩澤 孝子
    舞踊學
    2012年 2012 巻 35 号 1-12
    発行日: 2012年
    公開日: 2018/11/09
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
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