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  • 坂内 久
    フードシステム研究
    2010年 17 巻 2 号 137-139
    発行日: 2010/09/30
    公開日: 2011/08/04
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 岩田 伸人
    国際経済
    2012年 63 巻 88-90
    発行日: 2012年
    公開日: 2012/10/13
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 濱田 太郎
    日本EU学会年報
    2016年 2016 巻 36 号 51-74
    発行日: 2016/05/30
    公開日: 2018/05/30
    ジャーナル フリー

    This research examines the interrelationships between the reforms undertaken through the European Union’s (EU) Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) and multilateral rule-making negotiations under the General Agreement on Trades and Tariffs (GATT)/World Trade Organization (WTO), the processes of dispute settlement mechanisms under the WTO, and bilateral negotiations of free trade agreements (FTAs).

    Since the Uruguay Round (UR; 1986-1994) of the GATT, multilateral rule-making negotiations have driven by CAP reforms. In 1992―under external pressure from trading partners, including the USA and the Cairns Group of Fair Trading Nations―the EU reformed its CAP to help conclude the UR negotiations. This reform gave the EU a bargaining advantage in multilateral trade negotiations, and ultimately resulted in rules and regulations regarding agricultural market-access and subsidies that were largely advantageous to the EU. The European agricultural sector is still characterized by high levels of protection for domestic producers.

    Through the CAP, the EU aggressively reformed domestic agricultural support programs to prevent future disputes being settled under the dispute settlement mechanisms of the WTO. For instance, after a decision against the EU, it abolished export subsidies on sugar and drastically reformed the European Common Sugar Policy. A new, market-oriented policy for sugar production was also introduced under external pressure from trading partners.

    The EU also declared some of the most competitive food-exporting countries, including Australia, as unacceptable partners for FTAs. Through trade diversion effects, FTAs concluded among these major food exporters―such as the Trans-Pacific Strategic Economic Partnership Agreement (TPP)―have negatively impacted the economy of the EU. However, the EU aims to reduce these potentially negative impacts by concluding bilateral FTAs with Japan and the USA. Acceding to the TPP would bring little benefit to the EU’s agriculture sector. Thus, while the TPP requires liberalization across agricultural and industrial sectors, the EU rather intends to enhance the international competitiveness of its agricultural products by gradually opening its agricultural market through bilateral FTAs with major trading partners, except the most competitive ones mentioned above.

    The EU’s approach to regulate its agricultural markets harmonizes differing interests: maintaining the multilateral trading system; preventing legal disputes; responding to external pressures; constructing global FTA networks; and enhancing agricultural competitiveness. It does so by taking advantage of the various interrelationships between the CAP reforms and the multilateral rule-making negotiations under the GATT/WTO; the processes of the dispute settlement mechanisms of the WTO; and bilateral negotiation of FTAs.

  • 河原 匡見
    オーストラリア研究
    1995年 6 巻 40-57
    発行日: 1995/09/25
    公開日: 2017/05/10
    ジャーナル フリー
    This article examines Australia's approach to the GATT Uruguay Round (UR) negotiations. Australia's approach was underpinned by its 'marginalization' in the international political economy, its past recognition of GATT functions, and its ambivalence towards US trade policy in the early 1980's.Australia had two basic objectives during the negotiations. First was the restoration of trade liberalism, especially for agricultural products, which the GATT system stood for, and second was to ensure the successful settlement of trade protection measures. However, Australia's negotiating stance has been hindered by both the lack of international agreement as to what exactly are the international trade problems as well as the actual UR negotiation process. To advance its argument, Australia has adopted two basic strategies. The first has been the voluntary opening of its markets in order to ensure its legitimacy when arguing for trade liberalism. The second has been to adopt a two-tier approach. At the individual level it has unilaterally approached those advocating protection. At a collective level it has undertaken a twin regional and single issue approach. The regional approach has been to use APEC to advance its position whilst the single issue approach has been to use the Cairns Group to take part directly in policy making in the agricultural arena. The intention here has been to use the Cairns Group as a third force during the early negotiation stages. Australia has gained through the UR negotiations. First, it has gained a satisfactory agreement from the negotiations. Second, it has gained diplomatic experience as the leader and coordinator of the Cairns Group and the third force concept. Third, it has been able to move away from its marginalised position in multilateral trade negotiations.
  • 三浦 信孝
    日本EC学会年報
    1996年 1996 巻 16 号 46-72
    発行日: 1996/10/20
    公開日: 2010/04/15
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 五百旗頭 真
    アジア研究
    2015年 60 巻 4 号 3-7
    発行日: 2015/04/06
    公開日: 2015/04/13
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 樫原 正澄
    流通
    1995年 1995 巻 8 号 67-76
    発行日: 1995年
    公開日: 2010/08/05
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 池上 甲一
    水資源・環境研究
    1994年 1994 巻 7 号 6-13
    発行日: 1994/12/25
    公開日: 2009/04/22
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 中原 准一
    農業市場研究
    1995年 4 巻 1 号 7-18
    発行日: 1995/09/30
    公開日: 2019/03/28
    ジャーナル フリー
    The GATT negotiations was concluded on 15 December, 1993 in Geneva. Switzerland. Then the Japanese Government approved to accept the Tariffication instead of the Non-Tariff Wall about the import of dairy products in the WTO System. The purpose of this paper is to make clear the problems which are related to the Tariffication of dairy products. The conclusions of this study are as follows: 1) The competition will intensify between the exporting countries of dairy products by the starting of the WTO system. The Oceania will gradually increase the exporting capacity because of the reduction of the exporting subsidies. Contrarily the EU will go back in the world market. Japan will continue to provide the rich cheese market for the exporting countries. 2) In Japan, the market of milk and dairy products are based on the condition of liquid milk market. If the processed proportion for liquid milk is less than 60%, we will necessarily meet with the surplus of raw milk. 3) So this Tariffication is very high rate-tariff, the Japanese dairy industry should be avoidable to increase the imported dairy products. 4) Because the relation between demand and supply of raw milk is not self-supporting cycle, the Current Access by the Livestock Industry Promotion Corporation should be given the heavy burden for the dairy industry on the occasion of surplus condition in the Japanese market of milk and dairy products.
  • MTRを中心にして
    礒野 喜美子
    日本EU学会年報
    2003年 2003 巻 23 号 251-277,311
    発行日: 2003/09/30
    公開日: 2010/05/21
    ジャーナル フリー
    The purpose of this paper is to review the history of the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) reform, and then to examine the mid-term review (MTR) of Agenda 2000, which was published in July 2002 by European Commission as a part of the 1999 reforms.
    The objectives of the CAP were set up in the Treaty of Rome, Article 39 and the policy has been operated under Stresa principles: a single product market, so-called Community preference, and financial solidarity among the Member States.
    These objectives of the CAP have not been revised since they were set out in the Treaty of Rome, while the European Treaty has revised the Treaty of Rome, the Maastrich treaty, the Amsterdam Treaty and the Nice Treaty. This reflects the fact that these objectives have been accepted while the operation of the CAP has posed many problems and has been begging for reform since early 70s.
    In the long history of reforms, the agreement on the MacSharry reforms of the CAP in 1992, implemented from 1993, marked the beginning of a new phase. Its basic aim was to decouple the income problem of EU agriculture from price policy which would be more oriented towards the efficient functioning of the agricultural market.
    An agreement was reached on Agenda 2000 at the Berlin European Council in March 1999. Agenda 2000 explicitly established economic, social, and environmental goals within a new reformulated set of objectives for the CAP. But indeed, seldom has a Commission proposal come through such a long and difficult negotiating process and remained so intact as these proposals on CAP reform. At that time the Commission severely miscalculated both the timing of its new attempt at CAP reform and the forces it could use. Then the Commission scheduled to review it again in detail in 2002.
    In July 2002 the new round of debate on CAP reform, the mid-term review (MTR) of the Agenda 2000, was launched by the EU farm Commissioner Franz Fischler. The first task of MTR is a stocktaking and improvement of the Agenda 2000 reform process.
    The basic and main proposal of MTR is decoupling of direct aids and establishment of a farm income payment. This payment will be based on historical payment adjusted to take into account the full implementation of Agenda 2000. In my paper, the basic idea of decoupling direct aids payment from production is criticized in that its outcome may be not decoupled, since the base their distribution upon historic yields and production entitlements.
    On the other hand, MTR instructed Member States to introduce an element of cross-compliance into farm policies, so that a farmer's direct aid payment would be paid in full if certain environmental criteria had been fulfilled. This means that the EU will want also to secure and maintain the Peace Clause on the next WTO round.
    In my perspective of the CAP reform thus far, EU has to apply the principle of subsidiarity to reforming process of the CAP more practically as it's political economics.
  • EUとの比較から
    萩原 英樹
    農業経済研究
    2019年 91 巻 2 号 193-206
    発行日: 2019/09/25
    公開日: 2019/12/25
    ジャーナル フリー

    食料・農業・農村基本法が制定されて以来,約20年に及ぶ農業をめぐる国際交渉の変化という外部環境の変化と,その変化に伴う政策対応に焦点をあてて整理した.加えて,日本の農業政策とEUの農業政策も対比した.今後,20年間を見据え,WTO交渉が進むと仮定する場合,国内対策の緑の政策へのシフトや既存のEPA/FTAの譲許水準を超える水準を目指すことも考えられる.そうでないと仮定する場合,EPA/FTAがさらに進む可能性がある.今後の国際交渉の進め方については,日本の食料安全保障の確立という視点が最も重要であり,また,必要となる政策対応については,日本国民に関心を持っていただき,その上で理解が得られるかどうかという点が最も重要である.

  • ──国際規律と日本農業──
    塩飽 二郎
    農業経済研究
    2002年 74 巻 2 号 69-80
    発行日: 2002/09/25
    公開日: 2015/04/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 先進国比較にみる日本の特徴
    篠原 孝
    農業経済研究
    2001年 73 巻 2 号 54-62
    発行日: 2001/09/26
    公開日: 2016/10/06
    ジャーナル フリー

    This report clarifies the features of the agricultural policy formation process in Japan by comparing it with the processes in the United States and the European Union. Concretely, it is clarified through a verification of examples in international negotiations and domestic policy (i.e., how the United States had Japan open the rice market and establish the 1996 agricultural bill, and how the EU coped with UR agricultural negotiations and realized the CAP reform in1992). About the US : There are meetings at which the Cabinet members thoroughly deliberate on national strategies. The Fast-Truck releases the government from pressure by Congress or agricultural organizations in international negotiations so that the government can negotiate flexibly. With a change of power, civilians are employed as high-ranking government officials, and many talented persons participate in the policy planning, which can therefore be innovative. Agricultural organizations exert very strong influence on the policy formation process through their lobbying. About the EU : The transparency of the policy formation process is very high. The term of the meetings at which representatives of the EU member countries argue is not determined, enabling them to conduct thorough arguments. Administration (DGVI) has intense leadership. Because the agricultural administration bureaucrats of the EU create a policy theoretically, it will become a rational policy. Because the EU receives no requests directly from the agricultural organizations of each country, it can form a policy flexibly and objectively. About Japan : The organization for creating clear national strategy is not established. Administration bureaucrats have become unable to make positive and creative proposals. The transparency of the policy formation process is very low. From the viewpoint of the influence of the agricultural organization on a policy formation process, Japan can make policy planning more objectively than the United States can, but less objectively and flexibly than the European Union can.

  • 日本型デカップリング政策の展開方位
    矢口 芳生
    農業経済研究
    1998年 70 巻 2 号 87-96
    発行日: 1998/09/28
    公開日: 2017/01/18
    ジャーナル フリー

     This paper aims to search the direction of Japanese agricultural policy orientating toward the next WTO agricultural negotiations and the New Food/Agriculture/Rural Basic Law structuring, as clarifying characteristics of agricultural policy in developed countries.
     The following points can be pointed out when we try to characterize the agricultural policies in developed countries under WTO. The first fact is having reduced agricultural budgets. The second is having shifted the weight of measures to "decoupled" direct income payments that have no, or at most minimal, trade-distorting effects or effects on production. The third is having converted policy to paying consideration to both resource conservation and the maintenance of rural communities.
     Japanese agriculture, too, cannot evade the current trend of international policy in the future. Japanese agricultural policy canvasses the contents of agricultural public works and needs to enrich the direct income payments. It is necessary for Japanese agricultural policy to establish the same minimum price guarantee system as the U.S. and EU. In short, it is important that Japanese agricultural policy should aim to maintain a reasonable livelihood for farmers and resource conservators.

  • 田代 洋一
    土地制度史学
    1997年 39 巻 4 号 59-65
    発行日: 1997/07/20
    公開日: 2017/12/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ―WTOドーハラウンドを事例に―
    長久 明日香
    国際政治
    2016年 2016 巻 184 号 184_44-184_58
    発行日: 2016/03/30
    公開日: 2016/11/22
    ジャーナル フリー

    This article aims to analyze the change of Japan’s negotiating strategy for the trade liberalization. Among various negotiations of trade liberalizations which Japan has involved, the most difficult issue has been agricultural liberalization. In the previous studies, this issue has been studied from the viewpoint of strong political influence of agricultural protection group, such as Nokyo (Japan Agricultural Cooperative), MAFF (Ministry of Agricultural, Forestry, and Fisheries), and LDP representatives (especially agricultural policy specialists).

    However, as a result of electoral reform in 1994, Japanese farmers’ power has declined, and Japanese consumers’ political influence has increased. With this changing political circumstance, Japan’s agricultural negotiating strategy should change. These changes can’t be derived by framework of previous studies which focus on only producer. Therefore, this paper focuses on consumers which have been disregarded so far. Especially, this paper pays attention to the consumers’ concern for increased food risks as a result of liberalization. In the economic theory, consumers are presumed to support trade liberalization because they favored the price decline. However, in the countries like Japan which has already a liberalized agricultural market to certain degree, consumers have concerns also for liberalization risks such as food safety or food security, and thus the representatives and officials need to deal with these issues.

    According to this framework, this paper takes agricultural negotiations in the WTO Doha Round as a case. In the negotiation process Japan cooperated with “friend countries” by using the universal concept of “multi-functionality of the agriculture” and appealed the maintenance of the agricultural various functions. Moreover, Japan’s negotiating proposal in 2000 emphasized that the multi-functionality was supported by the Japanese consumers. This proposal came from lessons in the Uruguay Round that Japan was criticized for having advocated food security only from the aspect of producers and it has little impacts on the negotiation. Japan’s strategy in the Doha Round succeeded to some extent as the concept of multi-functionality was included in the Doha ministerial declaration as “consideration to non-trade concerns of the agriculture”. Afterwards, Japan formed G10 with food importing countries and continued proposing its position with them. Especially, about food security, Japan proposed making concrete rules for the unilaterally export regulation of agricultural exporting country and it was reflected for the latest chairperson text.

    Japan’s strategy still includes demands to protect agriculture, however, demands specialized to farmers have decreased considerably and it has been reflecting more consumer’s concern for the liberalization compared to before. Such changes of the strategy cannot be understood by only a producer centered conventional framework, and the framework focused on consumers’ risk as described in this article will become more important.

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