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全文: "ベンガル分割令"
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  • [編集部]
    史学雑誌
    1994年 103 巻 10 号 1837-1839
    発行日: 1994/10/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 小林 圓照
    印度學佛教學研究
    1984年 32 巻 2 号 623-628
    発行日: 1984/03/25
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 山田 桂子
    史学雑誌
    1989年 98 巻 12 号 1938-1960,2049-
    発行日: 1989/12/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
    The federal system of India today is composed of linguistic states, corresponding to a linguistic division of the population, which emerged through general states reorganization in 1956. The idea of state reorganization on a linguistic basis in the preindependence era had been embodied from the 1920's through the "divide and ruie" policy adopted by the British government, and was taken up by the Indian National Congress out of the practical necessity to activate a national movement and to placate the muslim population. After independence, the INC shelved the issue on the grounds that linguistic states would pose a menace to national integration. The reorganization of the linguistic states in 1956, however, materialized because of the emergence of the state of Andhra in 1953, which had come into existence only after the fast and ensuing death of an agitator, and out of economic convenience to accomplish the 5 years' plan effectively. Andhra state, which led the states reorganization on a linguistic basis, was the consequence of the Andhra movement, which had been rising since the beginning of the 20th century in Andhra region, a part of the Madras Precidency, where Telugh language was spoken. The Telugu area was divided into Madras Precidency and Hyderabad Princery state. The Telugus were in the minority compared with the Tamils in Madras Precidency, and remained underdeveloped under the Muslim rulers in Hyderabad. In 1953 the Andhra region seceded from Madras state and named their territory Andhra state. Then Andhra Pradesh was formed in 1956, a united Telugu state annexing the Telugu area in Telangana. However, there emerged a strong demand for a separate Telangana state in 1968 led by people discontented with the economic imbalance. Why did such separatism have to take place in Andhra Pradesh, which was considered as the pioneer and model linguistic state in free India? The consistent phenomenon through Andhra Movement was the ascent of the castes on the political scene. The Andhra Movement was started by Telugu Brahman, and the largest landed non-Brahman caste groups, the Reddy and Kamma, participated in the movement during late 20's and 30's. In particular, the Reddy, widely spread throughout the Telugu area, came to power, which enable surpass the Brahmans, because they were reorganized and united by the emergence of a united Telugu state. Moreover, after Andhra Pradesh was formed, the people who belonged to the minor castes and factions gained influence in state politics and led a movement to agitate for a separate Telangana state. In short, the Andhra Movement was represented the ascent of the Reddy carried out around the symbol of Telugu language ; and the Telangana Separatists Movement was represented the ascent of the minor castes caused by economic imbalance. Thus, the inconsistent tendency to form and disunite the linguistic state can be seen in the consistent one of the steady ascent of castes.
  • 南アジアの国家と国際関係
    井上 貴子
    国際政治
    2001年 2001 巻 127 号 169-184,L18
    発行日: 2001/05/18
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    Television viewing has become a part of everyday life in India since the early 1990s. The development of mass media has made new patriotism pervasive in the popular culture of India. It is quite usual that political parties appropriate popular culture for legitimizing their ideology. I especially focus on the video clip shot by G. Bharat, a commercial film producer for the album Vande Mataram (Mother, I salute you) by A. R. Rahman, a popular musician, released in 1997 to celebrate India's fifty years of independence.
    Vande Mataram composed by a Bengali poet, Bankimchandra Chatterjee was first set to music and sung by Rabindranath Tagore at the 1896 session of the Indian National Congress. The song became a symbol of patriotism during the Swadeshi movement opposed to the partition of Bengal in 1905, though it caused the communal tension between Hindus and Muslims during the freedom struggle, as it was anti-Muslim in its content and context.
    The video clip of Vande Mataram revived in a new version made patriotism the popular boom in spite of heavy criticism. Patriotism described in the video clip is love of Mother India, a country of “Unity in Diversity”, where the diverse people live happily and tradition and modernity coexist. This concept totally agrees with the program code of laws relating to broadcasting, which made the video clip possible to be broadcast widely.
    Bharatiya Janata Party appropriated this boom. The Uttar Pradesh Government tried to make the singing of Vande Mataram in schools, the meetings for mourning victims of Kargil War were held all over the country, and the Millennium Vande Mataram Campaign was launched for arousing patriotism among the youth. These events reminded them of the national enthusiasm for calling for freedom though it caused communal tension and was criticized bitterly.
    Those who belong to the urban middle class of Chennai in Tamil Nadu, Rahman and Bharat's native city, have well accepted the new patriotism according to my survey. The result shows that the difference of social background little affects their perception. Though caste and gender difference cannnot be recognized, the elder generation, non-Hindu and non-Tamil, are somewhat more critical of the new patriotism. Tamil Hindus seem no longer to be satisfied with Tamil Nationalism propelled by regional parties but to identify themselves with the Nation of India.
    This phenomenon is a reaction to globalization. Both anti-globalization and yeaning for American culture in producers' mind crystallized as a new patriotic music. Though its description of India suggests no border and enemy, anti-globalization is often expressed by the hostility to neighbors. That is why BJP can easily appropriate this boom for legitimizing their ideology and policy based on anti-Pakistan and anti-Muslim themes.
  • 小林 円照
    印度學佛教學研究
    1969年 18 巻 1 号 371-376
    発行日: 1969/12/25
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 田村 愛理
    日本中東学会年報
    1986年 1 巻 34-61
    発行日: 1986/03/31
    公開日: 2018/03/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    Comparing between two periods when Muslim=Copt conflict arose: 1906-19 and 1972-81, this article re-examines the rise and accommodation of the conflict that has been widely regarded to be the ethno-religious. The analysis of both cross-ethnic and intra-ethnic tension is conducted so as to delineate the transformation, not the primordium, of group identity in both communities. This article argues that the change in group identity took place in the course of socio-economic changes. In each period of concern, socio-economic transformations challenged the traditional political structure, and triggered the re-alignment of cooperation and conflict within as well as between the Muslims and the Copts. Although the "emergence" of conflict between the Copts and Muslims seems to indicate the symbolic importance of religion, the actual process analized in this article illustrates that neither community is monolithic. It was not nationalism/communalism but fundamentalism , both Islamic and Christian, that can attract the people whose interests were infringed under the new nation-state system.
  • 外川 昌彦
    民族學研究
    1992年 57 巻 2 号 174-196
    発行日: 1992/09/30
    公開日: 2018/03/27
    ジャーナル フリー
    本稿は, ベンガル・ヒンドゥの最大の年中行事であるドゥルガ・プジャの祭祀組織の分析を行っている。今日のドゥルガ・プジャの拡大は, 祭主と崇拝者とが一元化したコミュニティ・プジャの確立によって, もたらされたと考えられる。そのことは, イギリス植民地統治の前後にわたる, ヒンドゥ王権の祭祀, 英領期の富裕層の祭祀, 独立運動下の民衆の祭祀組織を通して検討され, 祭主と崇拝者の差異化とその一元化という祭祀構造の変化が指摘される。更に今日のコミュニティ・プジャにおける, 人々の主体的な参加と自立的な祭祀組織の形成を, カルカッタ市街地の調査事例を踏まえて検証する。歴史的事例と調査事例とは対照され, そこに階層化と平等化の構造的ベクトルが作用していることが指摘される。王権の解体と人々の自立的な祭祀の解釈が, この祭祀組織の構造変化をもたらし, 今日のドゥルガ・プジャの拡大を可能にしたことが示されるであろう。
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