Since Floyd Hunter undertook the research about community power structure in 1953, many sociologists and political scientists have renewed their interests on community study. A great number of empirical studies about community power structure (CPS) have been cumurated since then. Behind this rapid increase of CPS study since 1953, I find the great change made in community life and the policy-oriented response of social scientists toward the changing community and its policy made by local government.
1) Some problems of CPS.
Dealing with the problem of CPS, CPS students focused their view on community, especially political community. Their main interests was how to develop more effective research techniques to analyse the political community and political behaviour of local elites. The most important problem for them was to rebuild democracy in community with their policy-oriented ideology of community and technological theory of CPS.
2) Some approaches to CPS.
Three dominant approaches to CPS can be distinguised ; reputational, decisional and organizational ones. The first two approaches and the CPS models which they presented about the political community and political behaviour of local elites were often discussed in the dispute about CPS between “elitists” and “pluralists”. The fourth approach was presented in 1960' supported by the strong demand of “policy science” research in community study. It was experimental approach. Those approaches to CPS are characterized with much empiricism and subjective idealism.
3) Some views on CPS
All the views of CPS students except C.W. Mills didn't see the structural relationships between local and national society. They could not admit the decline of democracy. In addition, all the views of CPS students are characterized with elitism. They omitted the mass or ordinary citizens of community whose life structure made the basic ground of the power structure of community.
In the future study about local politics my problem is how to grow democracy in the grass roots of our local politics. Dealing with this problem, I will take the view of non-elitism on local society which is structurally related with national politics and society. With this view to mass or citizens, I would like to develop the total approach to local politics which will enable to grasp the dynamic process of local politics as well as various problems of community life.

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In today's Colombia, more than ten thousand people, including many civilians, are killed every year as a result of intensive armed conflicts and terrorist attacks. Also there are about three thousand kidnaps per year, mostly civilians, politicians and journalists, committed by guerrillas and paramilitary squads. All this victimization has been brought about by the country's recent socio-political situation, which Colombians refer to simply as la violencia. The authors of la violencia are divided into three categories. First, the Marxist anti-government guerrilla groups which mainly consist of two organizations, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) with eighteen thousand soldiers and the smaller National Liberation Army (ELN) with three thousand soldiers. Second, the Colombia-based international drug trafficking cartels with hired gunmen and terrorists. Third, the ultra-rightist paramilitary squads integrated into an organization called the United Self-defense Forces of Colombia (AUC). All these groups are engaged in either attacking the national armed forces and police forces or fighting each other. This has resulted in the creation of a civil war-like situation throughout the country.
The main reasons why Colombia has fallen into such a desperate situation are above all the wide disparity in wealth between the rich and the poor, social injustice and corruption. In addition, however, we can point to the lack of governability to contain these illegal armed groups or the hardline policies designed to resolve the conflicts only through a show of a force during past two decades. In short, recent years have witnessed a paralysis of democracy in Colombian politics and society. Theoretically, a modern nation-state legitimizes its monopoly of violence via national military and police forces to secure national security and law and order and to maintain its ultimate power. But in Colombia's case, the existence of several forces in opposition to the national ones is challenging the sovereignty of the state. This sovereignty is further challenged by the 42, 000km² so-called “demilitarized zone” in the middle of the country which was established as a result of peace talks between the government and FARC in 1999. The existence of this demilitarized zone where no official army or police personnel can enter is evidence of Colombian sovereignty being at bay.
In 1999, the government led by President Pastrana launched a comprehensive policy package named “Plan Colombia” to ease this situation by putting an end to armed conflicts. The government requested the international community to provide a billion dollars of financial assistance to implement this plan. The aim of this paper is, firstly, to take a general view of the illegal armed groups; secondly, to assess past governments' policies toward la violencia; and finally, to critically analyze the “Plan Colombia”. The author concludes that the Plan is too simplistic and one-sided to resolve the armed conflicts and demonstrates per se the critical situation of Colombian democracy.

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After the coup d’état in 1926, Lithuania was ruled by the authoritarian regime led by President Antanas Smetona. In the late 1930s, complaints about the Smetona government was grew, especially among the opposition groups, such as Voldemarininkai, the Populists (liaudininkai) and the Christian Democrats, because they considered that Smetona government’s “neutral” foreign policies led to the ultimatum by Poland in 1938. Thus, they established a unified anti-Smetona movement “Lithuanian Activists Union” (LAS) in 1938 in Klaipėda (Memel) and criticized the authoritarian government as dictatorship. They aimed to establish a Fascism regime in Lithuania instead, as they believed that, under the Fascism regime, the whole Lithuanian nation could be involved in the policy decision making. They, nevertheless, considered the Jews and communists were “anti-national”, thus tried to exclude them. LAS pursued some democratic values, such as freedom of the press and free elections, but they criticized parliamentary democracy since they believed that it led to a split of the nation. They aimed at close relations with Nazi Germany and state-planned economy. They believed that such “Disciplined Authoritarian Democracy” should have replaced the Smetona-led authoritarian regime.

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 Modernization in former colonial countries has been promoted by external factors such as acceptance of culture propagation, in accordance with the colonial rule by Western powers. Likewise, in an architectural field, a number of studies on colonial modern architecture have been carried out, and most of them have viewpoints of the architecture and city planning designed by architects of suzerain countries. New style of architecture compromising between western style and traditional style had made in colonies, and most of them had been studied on the viewpoints of “style” applying architecture of various building-types. R. Banham pointed out that architectural theory of J. Guadet was Modern in propagation of the styles. J. Guadet divided architectural style including new building-types with design standards made in 19c into elements, and let them be able to reconstruct. Public buildings of France thereafter the end of 19c designed by the architects of Beaux-Arts in accordance with both styles and standards regulated by state, and it was the same situation at the French colonies ruled by its assimilation policy in the same period.
 It is also important to educate locals under the French colonial policy. This study focused on the elementary school buildings of France standardized in the end of 19c for constructing by establishing public education, Tonkin as a model of focusing on educating locals to train the bureaucracy among French colonies.
 The purpose of this study was to present the new viewpoints to comprehend the colonial modern architecture that are some aspects of singularity of it by showing degree of deviation against design standards of France directed at the elementary school building for locals in Tonkin.
 The method to find some aspects of singularity is grasping standard model of French elementary school against design standards of France and the architectural theory of J. Guadet, and investigating at the national archive in Vietnam to collect necessary documents. Ultimately, collating to standard model of France and finding degree of deviation.
 The following six results were obtained. (1) Elementary school buildings for locals in Tonkin were composed by bare elements that were school buildings, toilets and the houses for teachers. (2) There were 3 types of the space of toilets which were constructed larger than the standards of France. (3) An area of classroom per student was generally smaller than the standards of France. (4) The classroom in Tonkin had several different parts from unilateral lighting classroom of France that were replaced the half-outdoor corridor, established portal of classroom on bilateral wall. (5) There were 11 types of the heights and widths of classrooms including aspects of unilateral lighting. The heights generally kept the standards of France, but the widths of type were made smaller and larger than the standards of proportion between heights and widths of France, the widths of type were made smaller, the widths of type and type were made larger. (6) There were 9 types of the dimensions showing vertical set positions of windows. In any case, the windows were set up in lower position than the standards of France, the dimensions of lintels were larger than the standards of France and the classrooms had a space between the upper end of window and ceiling.
 In conclusion, the degree of deviation against the design standards of France were able to find in elementary school buildings of Tonkin as the case study sites. It allows us that we described the colonial modern architecture from the new viewpoints that is collating colonial modern architecture to the standards of suzerain state per building-type instead of the viewpoints of “architectural style” that was often used in the previous studies by others.

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本論文は、もっぱらトマスとズナニエツキのテクストに沿って、状況の定義概念の初期の定式化とその後の変遷をあとづけ、この概念が、行為主体と「構造」の関連を明らかにする上でもつ「感受概念」としての潜在力を明らかにする。
社会学におけるスタンダードな用語の一つである「状況の定義」は、これまで主に社会的行為の主意主義的な側面を表現する代表的な概念として取り扱われてきた。しかしながら、この概念の初期の定式化の歴史をたどってみると、「状況の定義」は、行為に対する社会文化的な構造の規定性を示す際にも使われていることがわかる。とりわけトマスは「状況の定義」を多義的に使用しているが、これは、様々な行為主体と多様な状況との関連を実証研究を通して明らかにしていく上で彼が用いた効果的な戦略の一つであると考えられる.この「状況の定義」の一見相矛盾する多義的な用法の解明は、現在さまざまな形で試みられているマイクロ社会学とマクロ社会学の統合を進める上で、一つの有力な手がかりを与えてくれる。

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