詳細検索結果
以下の条件での結果を表示する: 検索条件を変更
クエリ検索: "ボボナロ県"
7件中 1-7の結果を表示しています
  • *江草 泰介, 後藤 優作, 佐藤 赳, 飯野 徳太郎, 加藤 洋一郎
    日本作物学会講演会要旨集
    2023年 255 巻
    発行日: 2023/03/27
    公開日: 2023/03/27
    会議録・要旨集 フリー
  • *後藤 優作, 江草 泰介, 飯野 徳太郎, 加藤 洋一郎
    日本作物学会講演会要旨集
    2024年 257 巻
    発行日: 2024/03/28
    公開日: 2024/03/22
    会議録・要旨集 フリー
  • ―東ティモールにおける司法制度の構築をめぐって―
    井上 浩子
    国際政治
    2016年 2016 巻 185 号 185_98-185_113
    発行日: 2016/10/25
    公開日: 2016/11/22
    ジャーナル フリー

    This paper examines the development of judicial system building in post-1999 East Timor. Central to the following discussion is an examination of the frictions, overlaps, and interactions between the newly introduced system and locally-maintained laws and social orders. When the judicial system building process commenced, security in local communities was largely maintained by local ‘traditional’ leaders, and conflicts were solved primarily through local conflict resolution mechanisms. Was the local social orders taken into account in the process of judicial system building? If so, how? And how did the local population, living within local social orders, respond to a judicial system built under international intervention?

    The discussion commences by critically examining the conventional approach to understanding liberal peace-building and state-building. The mainstream literature of international peace-building and statebuilding has often regarded Western democracies as a normative goal of governance, assuming that the construction of liberal-democratic state institutions would, inherently, bring peace and stability to conflict-ridden societies. Such literature tends to overlook the locally-grown ‘traditional’ forms of law,and, moreover, regards the local society and its population as passive objects of the liberal peace-building rather than active participants in the process. Consequently, these conventional approaches tend to fail to appropriately grasp the nature of contemporary state-institution building.

    Taking local actors and their legal culture seriously, the subsequent sections of this paper examine the development of legal order in post-1999 East Timor. First, the formation of local social orders in Timor-Leste are placed in a historical context that highlights how encounters with external forces, such as Portugal and Indonesia, have resulted in a state of legal pluralism, where a variety of ‘traditional’ and ‘modern’ laws coexisted in one society. Attention then turns to the judicial system building in post-1999 East Timor. Led and supported by international actors, state-builders tended to focus on ‘modern’ institution building, while overlooking legal plurality, or dismissing the local legal system in East Timor. At first this modern legal system faced difficulties engaging with the local population; the formal courts were rarely used for the purpose of conflict resolution because people continued to rely on local community mechanisms to solve their day-to-day problems. However, in recent years efforts to provide access to justice—such as legal support and financial assistance—have increased interaction between the formal judicial system and the local population. As such, local law and order practices are now in a dialogue with the new institutions, and a process of constructing and reconstructing local legal orders is underway.

  • 井上 浩子
    アジア動向年報
    2017年 2017 巻 423-438
    発行日: 2017/05/31
    公開日: 2023/07/20
    解説誌・一般情報誌 フリー
  • 亀山 恵理子(かめやま えりこ)
    アジア動向年報
    2021年 2021 巻 395-410
    発行日: 2021年
    公開日: 2021/11/18
    解説誌・一般情報誌 フリー HTML
  • 妹尾 裕彦
    平和研究
    2011年 37 巻 91-115
    発行日: 2011年
    公開日: 2023/11/24
    ジャーナル フリー

    Over the past decade, much attention has been paid to the problem of failed/fragile states. In most cases, failed/fragile states have been argued from the perspective of developed countries or international society. Many discourses on failed/fragile states have been based on the interests or policy requests of developed countries and international society. This paper reconsiders these mainstream perspectives on failed/fragile states.

    For this purpose, first, I will reconsider how developed countries and international society are responsible for state failure in developing countries. A majority of academic works on failed/fragile states explain that the cause of state failure is mainly characterized by local factors. However, these discourses often obscure the role of soldiers, weapons, and funds for civil wars in failed/fragile states, which are all supplied through developed countries and international society. I emphasize that developed countries and international society should be held responsible for civil wars that occur in the world’s poorest countries.

    Second, I indicate that the world is becoming increasingly unequal because the gap among countries has widened from 1980 onward, and explain why developed countries and international society consider the world’ s poorest countries as failed/fragile states in the age of globalization. In the process of globalization, developed countries tend to be sensitive to global risk and to regard the world’s poorest countries as the origins of this risk. Generally, these two tendencies are strengthened due to the gap between the developed and poorest countries, which has been increasing over the past 30 years. This is why developed countries and international society consider the world’s poorest countries as failed/fragile states.

    Finally, I examine the demand for good governance in failed/fragile states through SSR (Security Sector Reform) as a form of institutional development. Institutional development is usually a lengthy process, and international society does not yet possess adequate knowledge regarding the appropriate sequence of such development and the complex interdependency of institutions in developing countries. Therefore, the impatient demand for good governance is a rather problematic one in failed/fragile states.

  • ―東ティモールにおける紛争と全国学力試験を事例として―
    内海 悠二
    国際開発研究
    2017年 26 巻 1 号 67-83
    発行日: 2017/06/15
    公開日: 2019/09/27
    ジャーナル フリー

    This study aims to measure the impact of conflict on education outcome in the long term and to find out school factors that can effectively improve academic performance of students who have been exposed to conflict in the past. In order to examine the school factors which mitigate the conflict's negative impact on the education outcome, the research principally employs a multi-level regression model structured with cross-level interaction terms between school level characteristics and individual level conflict experience. The study focuses on the case of Timor-Leste which experienced intensive conflict for its independence in 1999, and used the 2015 EMIS individual data, results of 2015 national examination of 9th grade students completing the basic education cycle as well as the 1999 conflict data.

    The study found, first, that students who were born during or before the conflict period (1999-2002) in any provinces of Timor-Leste that were exposed to severe conflict tend to receive lower national examination score in the end of the 9th grade. However, the study also found that the negative impact of a student's conflict experience in Timor-Leste is mitigated if the proportion of permanent teachers (shown as a proxy of teacher quality) in the school increases while the negative impact of conflict, on the contrary, is aggravated if the number of students in a school increases. The study further found that the existence of a school fence (shown as a proxy of school safety) raises average examination score of the school by 0.55 points compared to schools without fences, and this result can be possibly explained by the context of post-conflict situation.

    This research contributes not only to making more effective education policy and system in post-conflict countries, but also serves as an additional research example in the field of measuring the impact of conflict on education outcome where not many researches have been conducted up to date.

feedback
Top