It is well known that people in Deir el-Medina engaged in the construction and decoration of royal tombs in the Valley of the Kings. Thousands of hieratic texts from the site revealed the social history, economy, and organization from the Nineteenth to Twentieth Dynasties. However, Deir el-Medina in the Eighteenth Dynasty has not yet been well studied due to the dearth of the inscriptions. This paper aims to examine the painted pottery imitating stone or glass vessels in order to discuss artisans' painting techniques at Deir el-Medina in the late Eighteenth Dynasty.
The painted pottery imitating stone or glass vessels is characteristic of Theban funerary assemblages in the late Eighteenth Dynasty. Vessels from Theban tombs (excluding Deir el-Medina) are supposedly decorated by artisans who painted Theban tomb walls—given the close connections between the stone or glass vessels represented in tomb paintings and the decorative style on the actual painted pottery. On the other hand, the examples from Deir el-Medina were decorated by artisans within Deir el-Medina itself because the decorative motifs are very unique and do not occur at other contemporary sites in the Theban necropolis. Therefore, comparative studies shed new light on the artisan's painting techniques at Deir el-Medina.
As a result, it was possible to discern difference in the motifs, painting techniques and productive skills between the two areas. The quality of the painted pottery imitating stone or glass vessels from Deir el-Medina is inferior to those from the Theban tombs. Only simple decoration such as dots or lines is executed; Deir el Medina painted pottery also does not exhibit a white slip background or varnish coating.
To conclude, it is deduced that the artisans in Deir el-Medina did not have the same highly developed painting techniques compared to the artisans who decorated the Theban tombs.

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The workmen's village at Deir el-Medina, which was engaged in the quarrying and decoration of tombs in the Valley of the Kings and Valley of the Queens, has left a remarkable full record reflecting many aspects of Deir el-Medina workers' day to day employment. These are of particular interest for the light they shed on the system and nature of the work. Although the potential of these records is great, their evaluation is severely hampered by the fact that they are so fragmentary and difficult to interpret in any systematic fashion.
The available documents of this class, generally referred to today as the ‘Necropolis Journal’, are here gathered together and analysed. The nonliterary texts from Deir el-Medina may be shown to fall conveniently into one of two distinct categories: legal documents; and socio-economic documents. The socio-economic documents may themselves be subdivided into Turnus lists; absentee lists; provisions documentation; name lists and true journal texts.
From the style and content of the various documents it is possible to draw two principal conclusions:
1. Apart from true journal texts, the main body of the ‘Necropolis Journal’ consists of Turnus lists and absentee lists, which had originally been drawn up as separate memoranda.
2. From an analysis of the absentee lists and the ‘Necropolis Journal’ it appears that the Deir el-Medina workforce was reorganized in around the Year 24 of Ramesses III and again under Ramesses V. Similar reorganizations of the tomb workmen are to have taken place in the reign of Horemheb and, another is referred to in Papyrus Greg, as I have shown in a previous article.
From these facts we may suppose that the organization of the workmen was flexible, and altered as and when occasion demanded.

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It is generally stated that in the Egyptian New Kingdom burials the bodies were placed with their heads pointing toward the West because of the Egyptians’ funerary belief that the deceased needed to face the rising sun for their resurrection.
 However, this statement does not fully reflect the actual archaeological data. A survey of the plans of New Kingdom royal tombs shows that some changes in the head orientation took place during this period. Before the New Kingdom Period, bodies were normally placed with their heads pointed to the north. However, the tombs of the 20th Dynasty have a symbolic east-west axis that causes the westward head orientation of royal mummies, whereas in the 18th Dynasty tombs some of the decoration scheme and sarcophagus placements show compromising orientations between the north and west.
 Non-elite burials in the Memphite and Heracleopolitan regions show a tendency different from the royal tombs in that there is more diversity of head orientation. Although about fifty percent of the burials in a given cemetery have the western head orientation, the considerable number of bodies are directed to the north, east and south. Since the burials of the previous periods in these regions do not show such diversity, it seems to be a noticeable feature of non-elite burial customs in the New Kingdom Period.
 A seriation analysis shows that the diversity of head orientation in non-elite tombs is not the result of a historical transition as seen in the royal tombs since it is found among burials of the same period. B. J. Kemp suggests that lower-class people did not ignore the formal concepts of funerary belief, even though they often chose “unsuitable” head orientations. Instead they followed their own sense to decide what was appropriate for them. It might be fair to assume that the diverse head orientations in the New Kingdom burials reflect the ancient Egyptians’ trait of accepting the existence of alternative concepts.

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The so called “Necropolis Journal” is a day-by-day record of Necropolis workmen at Thebes. Thus, the study of this kind of documents is important in understanding their administration.
In this paper I would like to focus upon one single typical text, the Papyrus Greg, which had long been unpublished, although it is well-known to the Egyptologist. Now, however, Prof. Kitchen's Ramesside Inscriptions contains a hieroglyphic transcription with a few textual notes. The document is now easily accessible. In these circumstances a comprehensive study of the Papyrus Greg (as well as the whole study of “Necropolis Journal”) has not yet appeared so far.
In this present discussion we deal with two points concerning this Papyrus and the “Necropolis Journal”; To what reign does the Papyrus Greg belong? Some scholars believe it was written in the reign of Ramesses III. We can read regnal year 5 to 7 in the Papyrus Greg but the king's name is missing. We take special notice of the “gap” in this papyrus. If this papyrus was written in the reign of Ramesses III, we must suppose that about 12 months' entries of the recto and 13 months' entries of the verso are missing and must suppose a divergency of a month in the entries of the same length gap (between recto and verso). After considering the contents, we arrived at the conclusion that we cannot assume the existence of the gap—there is no gap. And this papyrus belongs to the reign of Siptah/Tawsert. After discussing the dating of the Papyrus, we went on to investigate how to locate and understand the Papyrus Greg in the whole range of the “Necropolis Journal”.

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The records of the workmen's village at Deir el-Medina have given us some valuable insight into the everyday life of the nercropolis workers. These records shed light on the system and nature of workmen's lives. The records of the “attendance lists” have been seldom paid attention to in any systematic fashion. The aim of this paper is to show the nature of and give understanding to the “attendance lists” of the necropolis workmen.
It is generally believed that the workmen were engaged in their activities on “weekdays” and they were absent at the “weekend.” The management maintained records of each worker's attendance and non-atttendance, accounting reasons for their absences. Besides this break, they had time off for several other reasons. Some reasons for their absences are easily understood and some are difficult to interpret. The workers lived by regular supplies of grain. It is often said that they were supplied on a particular day and with specific amounts. Contrary to what I have pointed out in my previous articles, they in fact were issued on various days and the amounts were also different.
Here “absentee lists” are gathered together and analysed with regard to the point of style and contents. From these analyses it is possible to draw the following conclusions:
1. These records are of two types, one of which includes records for both attendance and non-attendance, and the other for only non-attendance.
2. Most of these documents were found in the Valley of the Kings and Valley of the Queens, i. e. in the working field.
3. Some records contain informations about the supply of lamps.
4. The management also maintained records for every workmen on the number of days they worked and the days for which they were absent.
5. The most frequently attested reasons for their absences were “illness, ” though sometimes just “absence” was recorded. The reason for “absence” did not necessarily mean time off from work or free days. It just could be that they were engaged in some other kind of work.
6. The issue of their “supply” meant the payment of a kind of wages, rathet than the issue of rations.

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This article examines a failed attempt by the Waṭṭāsid dynasty to recover domination over the southern part of al-Maġrib al-Aqṣā during the 1510s. Portuguese conquest of the Atlantic coastal cities of the Dukkālah plain, which had been freed from the direct control of Fez since the latter half of the 15th century, resulted in four expeditions by Sultan al-Burtuġālī, who waged jihad against the infidels. However, his army was confronted by resistance from Arab tribesmen who had made peace with Manuel I, King of Portugal. To cope with this difficulty, the sultan sought help from Muslim saints in his negotiations with Arabs, as he recognized their influence among the Arab population. He selected mausoleums of deceased saints as stages for political performances to justify integrating the region into his power base. Sa‘dian sharifs also participated in the affair as vassals of the dynasty, collaborating in securing the tribes’ submission to the sultan. In view of these alliances, the conventional theory that stresses cooperation between the Sa‘dians and saints in the jihad against the Portuguese on the one hand, and their opposition to the Waṭṭāsid dynasty and the Arabs on the other, should be reexamined. However, the limited effectiveness of the Waṭṭāsid strategy became clear when the dynasty’s presence in the region disappeared with the end of the expeditions caused by drought and pestilence.

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The purpose of this thesis is to criticize the theory of the "Mosaic Society" in the field of Middle Eastern area studies through analyzing the process of a disturbance that occurred in Aleppo in the early nineteenth century. Many Orientalists have observed the Middle Eastern society as divided into various religious sects, linguistic groups, quarters, guilds and so on, and they have concluded that there was no unity among them. Sometimes, the antagonism among the population, especially between the religious sects, has been premised in the study of the modern history of the Middle East. Aleppo was the third largest city in the Ottoman Empire at that time, and its population was composed of not only Muslims, but also Christians of various sects and Jews. Turkish, Armenian, Kurdish, and Syriac as well as Arabic were spoken in Aleppo. It is natural that the Orientalists would recognize the city as a typical "Mosaic Society." In order to examine this theory, we employ an urban disturbance as a test. It is not an everyday happening and the social relations that cannot be observed in the description of daily events can be found in the document of the disturbance. In this thesis, a disturbance that continued from October, 1819, to February, 1820, is studied. The date is before the Egyptian occupation of Syria in the 1830's and the Ottoman Tanzimat period. Therefore, the reality of the urban society before the modernization will be described. From the 18th century to the period studied here, there were two strong political factions in Aleppo. One was the Janissaries, the local para-military group, with its followers, and the other was the Ashraf, the people who asserted themselves as the descendants of the Prophet Muhammad, with their followers. The factions opposed each other, competing for political, economic, and social resources, and sometimes struggled violently. However, they did not injure the common people. In the disturbance, which started in the evening of 23 October, 1819, the two factions joined in unity and revolted against the Ottoman governor because of his and his agent's evil policy, heavy taxes and his forces' violence in the city. The rebels attacked the forces' barracks in the city, killed some soldiers and forced the rest to retreat to a monastery that was north of the city where the governor stayed. The a'yan were also expelled or ran away to the same place. The leaders of the two factions assembled, proclaimed the cause of the revolt, and presented their demands to the governor. Here, they shared a common identity, ahl al-balad: people of the town. They organized the people to battle against the governor's forces, and controlled foods and ammunitions in the city. It was besieged by the forces and the supplies were cut. After fierce battles and frequent exchanges of messengers during two months, the division between the factions of Janissaries and Ashraf became clear. However, they did not fight each other and continued battling the forces for a month more. The governor, with reinforcements from many districts, began to destroy houses in the northern suburbs. Finally, the European consuls in the city played the role of mediators and all of the gates of the city were opened on 3 February, 1820. The governor executed and exiled the leaders of the rebels, mainly from the Janissary faction. However, on 2 June, the poor women from the eastern and southern suburb quarters, where most of the Janissary faction lived, rushed to the court of Islamic law and appealed to the judge for help, protesting against the governor's oppressing policy. The judge went to the governor's office and discussed the matter. After that, the heavy extra taxes were abolished and the price of the grain was reduced. After analyzing the process of this disturbance, it becomes clear that not only the two factions but also other people

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宗教多元主義はキリスト教神学から生まれた思想であるが、これをイスラーム的に構成し直し、異教徒との共存を説くムスリムが増えている。その中には、来世における異教徒の救済可能性を主張する者と、そのような議論を避けて現世的問題に特化する者がいる。例えば、ペレニアリストでもあるナスルは、伝統宗教の多様性を神の意志に帰し、「相対的絶対」の理論により他宗教の真理性を認める。しかし、この立場は、ムスリムの間であまり支持されていない。イスラームが他宗教に優越するという大方のムスリムの信念に反するからである。これに対し、今日有力なのは、現世での市民権を論じる多元主義である。例えば、カラダーウィーは、信仰に対する賞罰は神のみに委ねられるとして、イスラーム国家における信教の自由の保障と宗教的差別の廃止を訴える。だが、イスラーム国家という前提そのものが多元主義と矛盾するとの見方もある。このように、市民権論においても、救済論と同様、イスラームの優越性と多元主義との衝突が問題となっている。

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