Increase of population in Metro Manila causes large demand of residential land and expansion of squatter or slum areas. There were 14,819ha of residential land in 1986 and 66.8% of transformable land in 1986 changed into built-up area and acomodated 2,450 thousand during 1986 to 1996. Metro Manila should have more 3,703 thousand until 2015 and it means disapperance of agricultural land, forest, grassland and other open space. It causes quite serious environmental problems, and so housing policy should be changed from previous one to planned medium or high rising apartments or flats as soon as possible.

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　沖縄県内で発生しているシガテラの原因検体から，分子系統解析による魚種の種判別を目的とした。沖縄島および周辺離島海域で漁獲されたシガテラの主な原因魚種であるバラハタ，イッテンフエダイ，バラフエダイとそれらに類似した形態をもつ5種を収集した。証拠標本として種毎に1個体は博物館相当施設に収蔵された。さらに沖縄衛環研へ搬入されたシガテラの原因検体からDNA抽出し，16S rDNAによる分子系統樹解析を行った。その結果，シガテラ原因検体の種判別に成功し，証拠標本に基づく分子系統樹判別の有効性が確認された。

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Of all the Filipino revolutionaries, the historical figure most familiar to the Japanese is General Artemio Ricarte (1866–1945). Recent research raises the issue of his anti-American thoughts, which are frequently mentioned in his autobiography. This study concentrates on the formation of his pro-Japanese thoughts after the Filipino revolution against Spain, the Philippine–American war, and the period of his exile in Japan. Previous research has reported his “stubborn” national¬ism and his fluctuating anti-American thoughts, but did not succeed in clarifying the process of formation of his pro-Japanese nationalism, which might be, to some degree, different from that of any other Filipino revolutionary. This nationalism eventually led to his collaboration with the Japanese during their occupation of the Philippines. This paper furthers my previous analysis regarding the formation of his nationalism, which has not yet been studied in depth. My current analysis also extends to the Japanese occupation of the Philippines when the general envisaged his original dictatorial government, called in the Tagalog language, or in Filipino, “Pamahalaang Magulang.”
The characteristics of his thoughts as a Filipino nationalist in the context of Philippine history are pointed out in the conclusion. Unlike the other Filipino elites studying abroad in Europe dur¬ing the second half of the nineteenth century, Ricarte did not leave the country in order to become involved in the education of youths. Being an educator, he truly felt the necessity for education of the Filipinos in terms of the revolutionary movement against the Spanish administration. After much deliberation, he took part in the Katipunan movement led by Andres Bonifacio. The political philosophy of Bonifacio might form a sound basis for Ricarte’s nationalistic ideas of Philippine independence. The outbreaks of the Sino-Japanese War (1894) and the Russo-Japanese War (1904) also exerted a great influence on the mind of Ricarte. After mingling with a Japanese ultra-nationalist (Onkihiko Usa) in Hong Kong, who eventually extended assistance to him when he sought political exile in Japan in 1915, Ricarte manifested a strong inclination for the ultra-nationalist thought of the Japanese being favorable to the expansionism of Japan toward Asia. While acknowledging a sound American colonial regime established in the Philippines, Ricarte lamented the ongoing “Americanization” of the country, and at the same time expected a charismatic Filipino politician, such as Manuel L. Quezon, to pursue immediate Philippine independence.
However, Ricarte blamed Quezon entirely for not having succeeded in obtaining the immediate independence that was superseded by the independence act (the Tydings McDuffie Act) with the provision of a “ten-year transitional period,” the so-called Commonwealth proclaimed in Novem¬ber 1935. This certainly caused his adamant refusal to return to the Philippines from Japan before the outbreak of the Pacific War in December 1941. After the outbreak of the war between Japan and the USA, Ricarte went back home to the Philippines with the Japanese Imperial Forces. As soon as the Japanese Military Administration was proclaimed in January 1942, Ricarte submitted to the authorities his written proposal for the establishment of a dictatorial government, Pamahalaang Magulang. Ricarte wanted to reactivate the Katipunan spirit of the Filipino revolution against Spain while stressing the necessity of pagkakaisa (spirit of solidarity) for the independence movement. In drawing up the outline for a government, Ricarte tried to blend the spirit of Katipunan with the Asiatic principle of Japan that should have been understood by the Filipinos. However, the Filipinos were too “Americanized” at that time to understand his thoughts.

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    The purpose of this paper is to explore how recent industrial changes triggered by overseas migration and the growth of the IT-BPO industry have impacted squatter settler's households in Metropolitan Manila. The change led to the increase of highly educated and occupational middle-class workers, specifically among women, while the growth of the middle-income class has been relatively marginal. The paper will focus on college-level educated female workers in a squatter settlement and their households to examine their interests in professions and specialties and family strategies for educational expenses.

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本稿はフィリピンのスールー諸島における海洋民社会についての歴史人類学的研究を目的としている。特に, この地域における歴史とエスニシティの動態を, 西欧側と現地側双方の多様な歴史表象や歴史の語りを通じて明らかにしてゆく。従来の民族誌において, スールー諸島の海洋民社会は, タウスグ族を頂点としバジャウ族を底辺とする民族間階層を成すものとして描かれてきた。本稿では, このようなエスニシティの編成が18世紀後半以降のスールー王国の王権の展開を通じて形成されてきたことを明らかにする。また次に, こうしたマクロな歴史過程は, 現地住民の多様な歴史の語りの中で表象されることを通じて, それを語る民族集団の意識やイデオロギーに応じて解釈され, 再定義されてゆく。こうしてエスニシティが歴史的に形成され, 歴史がそのエスニシティによって再編されてゆくという動態的過程がスールー社会において認められるのである。

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General Artemio Ricarte, “Vibora, ” is said to be one of the most stubborn Filipino heroes in Philippine history. He never swore allegiance to the United States after he was arrested by the American authorities in February 1899 during the Philippine-American War. Most Filipino historians have not paid much attention to his role in Philippine history because some of them are still suspicious of his nationalistic heroism. His collaboration with the Japanese Army during the Japanese occupation in the Philippines still causes doubt as to whether he was nationalistic or not. This paper is trying to discover if his anti-Americanism was still based on his hopes for Philippine independence by examining the time period between 1915 when he made his personal exile to Japan and 1945 when he died in the Philippines.
Having read his correspondences written in Tagalog (one of the Filipino languages) with his friend in the Philippines, Jose P. Santos, the distinguished Filipino historian, and having examined his political statements regarding the issue of Philippine independence from 1915 to 1941, the author finds that the “stubborness” in his nationalism against the United States changed noticeably over time. It is observed that it changed with times of persons to whom he talked and met. For example, in 1917 when the Jones Act (Philippine Independence Act) was approved by the US Congress, he became sympathetic to the political scene in the United States and praised the political elites of the Philippines such as Manuel I. Quezon of Sergio Osmeña. However, he again became anti-American when he talked to Japanese officials or Japanese police authorities in Yokohama where he lived at that time. Indeed, he supported the anti-American movement in Luzon led by Benigno Ramos, the so-called “Sakdal Movement” in the nineteen thirties. But, even though Ricarte and Ramos held the same position for “immediate, absolute, and complete” independence of the Philippines, he was nevertheless ultimately a “Quzonista” in the sense that he was never opposed the way in which the independence movement led by the Filipino elites such as Quezon was waged. That is, even though he was originally opposed to the ten-year probational independence term, the so-called Commonwealth, he finally came to accept the Commonwealth idea, and government, led by Quezon.
During the Japanese occupation of the Philippines, he again became anti-American. He was not satisfied with a principle policy of the Japanese authorities in which most members of the former Philippine Commonwealth government were again put in important positions in the Philippine Executive Commission governed directly by the Japanese Military Administration. This situation awakened his political aspiration of becoming a dictator. With some Filipino collaborators led by Benigno Ramos and Ganap, Ricarte tried to make a coup attempt against the Laurel government in 1943. But he realized that the government was so stable that they could not do anything against its authority.
Unlike Benigno Ramos, Ricarte was not aggressive in the movement for Philippine independence, where Ramos still had political aspirations to become the new leader. To the end of the war, he was still not satisfied with the political situation where many, so-called, “pro-American” cabinet memebers occupied the Laurel government. But Ricarte did not like to cooperate with Ramos in, for example, the Makapili movement in 1944. Instead, Ricarte organized his own army, the “Peace Army”, for the defense of the Philippine government against the United States.

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