本稿の目的は，1995～2007年におけるロシアの地域発展への外国直接投資（FDI）の経済効果をサハリン州の事例に即して定量的に評価することである．同州は初期条件がほぼ等しい他地域と比較して相対的に巨額の FDI を享受している．分析の結果，サハリン州は，賃金水準（名目），国内投資，貿易活動，経済成長及び社会資本の面で同州向け FDI から肯定的な経済効果を得たことが確認された．一方，雇用水準，賃金水準（実質），技術水準及び政府財政の面では統計的に有意な効果は検出されなかった．

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ロシアでは，1990年代の反省に立ち，2005年の連邦法により連邦主導の経済特区政策が形成された．しかし，その内実は対外経済政策というよりは国内産業政策という色彩が濃く，また税制等の制度面よりは行政の対応の方がインセンティブとして機能しているなど，他国の特区とは様相を異にする．現在のところ特区がロシア経済の多角化・高度化に貢献しているとは言えず，ロシア政府も2009年12月に特区法の改定に踏み切っている．

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The Russian population decreased between the two censuses conducted in 1989 and 2002 as a result mainly of an increase in male mortality and a decline in birth rates. My previous research focused on premature death or the high mortality rate of the male working-age population. In this paper, multi-regression analyses are applied to regional data from Russia, in order to clarify the relationship between male mortality by age and socio-economic factors in each region. The use of regional mortality rate by age as an independent variable in this paper is a new approach in this field of studies.
The result demonstrates that among socio-economic factors analyzed in this paper, a drink-related crime rate (the rate of crimes committed under the influence of alcohol per 10, 000 people) most significantly correlates to high male mortality, and especially to high mortality in the younger cohort of working-age males. As was shown by earlier research, the increase in male mortality in Russia was mainly brought about by such causes of death as trauma and poisoning, including suicide and homicide, and diseases of the circulatory system, all of which often originate in heavy consumption of alcohol. The conclusion of this paper also confirms this observation.
By comparison with this factor, the economic factors analyzed in this paper, i.e. per capita money income and the unemployment rate, have weaker correlations to high male mortality. But both factors have statistical significance in regression equations concerning working-age males and the middle age cohort (35-44 years old) among them. While per capita income has a negative correlation with mortality, with respect to the unemployment rate a negative correlation (i.e., the lower the unemployment, the higher the mortality) is observed. This might be a result of heavy stress in industrially active regions, which could enhance mortality caused by trauma and poisoning. The fact that the effect of economic factors is not so significant compared with the drink-related crime rate might be explained by the use of 2002 data in this paper, rather than data from the early 1990s, i.e., the period of economic turmoil caused by system change. These problems and validity of other socio-economic factors remain to be answered.

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This paper attempts to analyze changes in the Russian local population movement from the viewpoint of social differences in this area. First, peoples returning from outside the country principally move to the Russian European districts due to un-stable living conditions. Second, the tendency towards over-centralization in Moscow's population is highlighted conspicuously. Third, an another side, population outflows from cities and farm villages under the jurisdiction of Siberia, Far East districts are intense. Fourth, increased urban decay is common except in some of the resourceexploitation areas, and this paper suggests that the Propiska system would speed up this trend.
Furthermore, natural population dynamics are studied. First, this study looks at the development of the aging of Russian European village populations and intense population decrease. Second, geriatric and chronic diseases in the Central districts are serious and are particularly related to alcohol consumption. Third, a high death rate from infectious diseases can be seen in Siberia and the southern districts, a phenomenon common to many“developing countries”. This may be due to the large range in Russian inland social levels.
Changes in the population dynamics in this period are magnified by these varying social differences. In addition, the Propiska system has strengthened limitations on the movement, and the division of a unified labor market between cities and farm vil-lages has not yet been overcome.
The main reason for Moscow's over-centralization could be explained by its economic role (mainly, enlargement of financial systems and the service trade) . However, the Propiska system seems to strengthen it. Thus, Moscow's over-centralization tendency is accelerated while, at the same time, including a policy which is aimed to contradict it. The aging population, a lack of a sufficient work force, and increases in illegal immigrants are worsening, while Moscow is enjoying“saecial privileges”.
The above-mentioned population movements have weak“pull factors”, and“push factors”such as social and economic crises are powerful. Moreover, this movement itself is unstable. However, in the long term, the enlargement of Moscow, its ever increasing economic and social dominance, and increasing differences in society will continue to be problematic.
Therefore, a policy that aims at general development in the Far East district, city inflow regulation problems (eg. actions to stem the farm village problem), a decrease in the death rate and a rise in birth rates (social stability and measures to protect geriatric and chronic diseases) would become necessary in the future in order for the Russian Federation to maintain its character as a unified nation.

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Kuchma's “cassette tape scandal” in 2000-2001 exemplified the patrimonial phenomena that has become prevalent in post-communist Ukrainian politics. However, this patrimonial tendency has not been combined with classic authoritarianism but machine politics (or ‘caciquismo’), in which election votes play a decisive role in intra-elite struggles for power. As a rule, caciquismo is based on independent meso-elites which function as mobilizers of votes and also as political brokers between localities and the center. Ukraine is not an exception, although in this country the meso-elites independence is masked by a constitutional unitarism and an appointment system of regional and ‘raion’ chief executives. Therefore, we need to pay attention to patrimony building at the regional level, which provides a social basis for strong regional electoral machines.
I sampled four regions which contributed to Kuchma's victory in the 1999 presidential elections : Odesa, Transcarpathia, Donetsk and Dnipropetrovsk. Remarkably, despite previously sympathizing with the opposition, the electorate in these regions changed their political inclinations in the few years leading up to the 1999 elections. Along with the common tendency of electoral machines being based on the regional patrimony, a contrast was found with the extent to which this machine/patrimony had been legalized. This is the problem of regional party building. The development of a regional party system is determined by two factors :(1) intra-elite competition and,(2) interactions between party system levels. Regarding the latter, if infra-regional issues are converted into national political issues in a region, we can say that the interactions between party system levels have been activated. In 1994-98, Odesa Region experienced harsh infra-elite competition between its governor and Odesa mayor, but even in 1998 this conflict remained infra-regional (Kyiv only intervened sporadically). Donetsk and Dnipropetrovsk politics were forcibly nationalized in 1996 and after 1997 respectively, since the top leaders of these regions became rivals for Kyiv politicians (Donetsk governor Shcherban versus the then prime minister Lazarenko ; and the Dnipropetrovsk Soviet chair Lazarenko versus President Kuchma). Nevertheless, Kyiv could not divide these regions' elites. In Transcarpathia conflicts between the governor and the mayor of the regional capital Uzhhorod became nationalized in 1997-98 because the governor allied with the Medvedchuk faction of the Social Democratic Party of Ukraine (United), a typical legalized clan organization from Kyiv. In other words, only in Transcarpathia were the two conditions fully met and thus a formal party system was able to develop.

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