Only a few ariticles and essays on Isen Kanno have been found since his death. They are Eitaro Ishigaki, “Forty-year Vagabond Life in America” (1952), Dengo Matsubara, “Baron Kanno” (1954), Shinsui Kawai, “Isen and Gertrude Kanno” (1955), Tamotsu Mirayama, “An Issei Poet Who Composed English” (1961), Ippei Nomoto, “A Vanished Star” (1973) and Ayako Ishigaki, “A Love Artist Who Crossed the Ocean” (1988). Almost all of them have no reference to Kanno's life, from his birth to death and his literary achievements.
In my first essay on Isen Kanno, published in 1994, his life from birth to the days he lived in Joaquin Miller's heights were made clear. In this second essay, the latter half of his life will be revealed.
In 1915 Kanno went to New York and stayed in Edwin Markham's residence. He tried to translate Markham's works into Japanese and write biography of Jack London. Reading a lot of books every day in N. Y. Public Library, he then began translating Omar Khayyam's Rubaiyat into Japanese using a style of Japanese popular folk song sung in Edo Era. But to his disappointment he could not publish them. He also wrote many articles for Japanese newspaper joining the Japanese immigrants' literary group.
In 1929 he and his wife, who left him and went to New York with her lover 14 years ago, finally came back to him. Kanno was very glad to be with his wife again. He went back to San Francisco with her and lived in Nichiren Church in Japan Town.
Then Mr. and Mrs. Kanno went to Japan. He expected to get his works published there. His wife, sculptress, had exhibitions at some department stores in Tokyo. At that time militarism seized Japan and displaying nude statues was prohibited. Kanno made efforts to publish his works in vain. After two years they returned to the U. S.
As soon as they arrived in San Francisco, his wife passed away of a sudden fever on August 14th, 1937. His beloved wife's death threw him into despair. Four months later he died of pneumonia.
His manuscripts of poetry, translation and essays were kept in Nichiren Church. On December 7th, 1941, war broke out between Japan and the U. S. and Japanese Americans were forced to evacuate and sent to concentration camps. All his manuscripts were lost during this period of confusion.
Isen Kanno was a determined man who made up his mind to live in the U. S. all his life, marrying to a caucasian artist and wrote in English. He was different from the most Japanese immigrants whose purpose were making money and returning to Japan as rich persons. But war prevented him from being what he expected to be.

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This paper analyses the formation of the Ilkhanate from the standpoint of the composition and attribution of troops under the command of the first Ilkhan, Hulegu. In 1206, Chinggis Khan organized troops under his command into groups of 1,000 men. He distributed some of these groups among his younger brothers and sons as qubi. Each recipient formed his own ulus, or khanate. In 1254, Mongke Qa'an, a grandson of Chinggis Khan, dispatched his younger brother Hulegu to conquer West Asia. According to Jami' al-Tawarikh, which was compiled in the early 14th century, Mongke, having consulted with members of his family, ordered that henceforth the two tama groups that had been garrisoned in West Asia during the late 1220s should be transferred to the command of Hulegu. In addition, Mongke resolved that the troops conscripted from among the groups of 1,000 men were to be granted to Hulegu as his inju. After Mongke's death, his other brother, Qubilai, acceded to the throne of Qa'an in 1260 and recognized Hulegu's reign over 'the Mongol troops and the regions of Tazik, or Iran Zamin'. This paper demonstrates that these troops were not transferred to Hulegu during the reign of Mongke Qa'an. The later writings of Jami' al-Tawarikh justify both the rule of Hulegu and his descendants over these troops and Iran Zamin, in particular that of Hulegu's great grandson, Ghazan Khan, and also the formation of the Ilkhanate. In reality, these troops came under the command of Hulegu and his descendants in stages between the second half of Hulegu's reign and the first half of the reign of his successor, Abaqa Khan. Moreover, this paper illustrates that Ilugei Noyan from the Jalair tribe and Sunjaq Noyan from the Suldus tribe belonged to Hulegu's primary ulus formed in Mongolia before 1238. Thus, their families and descendants maintained their power and influence over Iran Zamin even after the decline of the Ilkhanate in the late 1330s.

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In the first half of the 12th century, Syrian cities entered into various kinds of agreements with the Crusaders who had secured their settlements in Syria, thus regarding these westerners as one of the local powers. Many economic agreements were concluded in the from of the appendix to a truce and were mainly in terms of an offer of money and horses, tribute, division of produce and public security on the main roads. Both the Syrian cities and the Crusaders considered these agreements as a economic policy in order to secure the produce from limited farm land and obtain commercial rights. Most of the agreemetns were renewed by occasional negotiation and bargaining, though we find abrogations and changes in conditions reflecting the balance of power. Military alliances were sometimes formed during the jihads, which were fundamentally the opposite of military alliances. Syrian cities merely used the jihad as a poicy to protect their own territory and even to weaken an opposing city. It was the same with the Saljuqid Sultan. They used military alliances and the jihads to ensure their own political stability and keep other powers from expanding. Syria was politically fragmented and had no dominant power. All the Syrian cities, including the Crusader States, maintained power by the economic agreements and conserved the balance of power through military alliances and the jihads. However, Aleppo in Northern Syria had been in a state of war for a long time, and its arable land had been reduced. Moreover, its balance of power policy, mostly agreements on division of produce, led to the financial crisis in Aleppo. To overcome these difficulties, the citizens of Aleppo tried to introduce a strong power from al-Jazira, but two of the three new al-Jazira rulers employed the same balance of power policy using both agreements and jihads, which caused distress in Aleppo to continue. It was the third ruler, Zangi, who began to break this balance of co-existence and confrontation. He aimed at the farm land of Southern Syria asa source of compensating the increase in war expenditure caused by his refusal to maintain the balance of power policy. He was a common enemy to both Damascus and the Crusaders, who had coexisted based on the agreements on division of produce from the farm land lying between them. They formed the military alliances to oppose Zangi.

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