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  • 山畑 倫志
    2018年 67 巻 1 号 494-488
    発行日: 2018/12/20
    公開日: 2019/09/07
    ジャーナル フリー

    Jain Literature preserves major versions of the Rāma and Kṛṣṇa stories. Vimalasūri and other Jain authors wrote many Jain Rāma stories. The authors also referred to Kṛṣṇa stories in their works. But Kṛṣṇa was almost always one of the characters in Neminātha hagiographies.

    Jain narratives brought in the Rāma and Kṛṣṇa stories as an essential part. There remains much work about the Jain Rāma story from the 5th century. Jain authors seem to have been keen to portray Rāma as Baladeva, who does not kill anybody and will reach enlightenment. Therefore, the role of killing Rāvaṇa shifted to Lakṣmaṇa in order that Rāma observe ahiṃsā. But other murders by Rāma were often overlooked by authors, although the ahiṃsā of Rāma was the most crucial element for the story.

    Because of the inconsistency among Jain Rāma stories, this paper investigates the peculiarity of Rāma stories in Jain works, comparing them to the Kṛṣṇa story, which is very close to Neminātha.

  • 大野 徹
    1996年 34 巻 2 号 370-386
    発行日: 1996/09/30
    公開日: 2018/01/31
    ジャーナル フリー

    When Nai Pan Hla came to Japan in 1988 as a research fellow of Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University, he brought with him numerous copies of Mon documents dealing with the Dhammathat code of laws, inscriptions by King Kyansittha and other monarchs in Mon, histories of Dvaravati, Hanthawaddy and Dhammazedi, Mon songs and folktales and so forth. When he left Kyoto, he gave me several documents dealing with Mon linguistics and Mon literature.
     Among these papers I found two hand-written copies of a Mon version of the Rama story. The first copy is composed of 190 pages, all in verse and transcribed from an original palm-leaf manuscript preserved in the Bernard Free Library, Rangoon, Burma, several decades ago. The second was brought from Lopburi, Thailand, to Burma by a Mon citizen named Mahaphun in 1950. It is composed of 372 pages, also all in verse. According to the preface of the original palm-leaf manuscripts, both were written in 1834 by a Buddhist monk named Uttamu. In content, the two copies were found to be identical, and it is evident that they derive from the same original. The title of the Mon Rama story is given as “Loik Samoing Ram.”
     At the 12th International Ramayana Conference held at Kern Institute, Leiden University, Holland, in August 1995,I introduced the general structure and order of arrangement of the Mon Rama story. Here, I shall present the salient features of the Mon Rama story in comparison with Vālmīki Rāmāyana, Non-Vālmīki Rāmāyanas, and other local versions of the Rama story prevalent in Southeast Asia.
     Comparative study with other versions of Rāmāyana revealed the following noteworthy points in the Mon Rama story. (1) The story begins with Uttara Kāṇḍa, (2) Ram (Ramā) is described as having previously been a Bodhisattva (Future Buddha), (3) Soite (Sītā) is the incarnation of Indra's consort, Wunjeta, (4) Bali (Vāli) is the son of the Sun God, and Soingrid (Sugrīva) is the son of the Moon God, (5) Paddama Devi (Maṇḍodarī) springs from a big lotus flower, (6) the story includes the pre-matrimonial love of Ram and Soite, (7) Totsagri (Rāvaṇa) attends the archery contest, (8) Ram is exiled for twelve years instead of fourteen years as stated in Vālmīki Rāmāyana, (9) Soite changes into a female ape and becomes pregnant with Anuman (Hanumān), (10) the sister of Bali and Soingrid, Swaha, is the real mother who gave birth to Anuman, (11) Sammanukot (Śūrpaṇakhā) is related to Khara and Dūṣaṇa as mother and her children, (12) Sammanukot transforms herself into a golden hind, (13) the blood pouring out of the cave after the duel between Bali and a buffalo changes color from dark to light. The buffalo's blood is in fact diluted by rain, (14) a gigantic crab destroys the foundation of a causeway, (15) Suponnakha, the daughter of Pipek (Vibhīṣaṇa), transforms herself into the dead body of Soite, (16) Lekkhana (Lakṣmaṇa) does not behold Soite's face for three years, (17) Soite drawas a portrait of Totsagri (Daśagrīva) and is exiled from Ram's palace, (18) Soite delivers a son, Ni Kwe. His replica, Ni Choa, is miraculously created by a hermit, (19) King Ram fights with his two sons, (20) Ram and Soite are reunited, (21) Soite, Ongkhut (Aṇgada) and Inda Reje (Indrajit) are mentioned as siblings each other, since Paddama Devi, Totsagri's wife, gave birth to them (two sons and one daughter).
     It is evident that Loik Samoing Ram derives directly from the Burmese version of the Rama story,

    (View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)

  • 澤井 義次
    1990年 39 巻 1 号 475-471
    発行日: 1990/12/20
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 高橋 泰一
    2006年 18 巻 105 号 17-19
    発行日: 2006年
    公開日: 2020/06/23
    解説誌・一般情報誌 フリー
  • ─チャルャーパダとギータゴーヴィンダ─
    北田 信
    2010年 2010 巻 22 号 125-130
    発行日: 2010/12/15
    公開日: 2011/09/06
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 山畑 倫志
    2021年 69 巻 2 号 970-965
    発行日: 2021/03/25
    公開日: 2021/09/06
    ジャーナル フリー

    Jain image worship has been mainly performed for statues of Tīrthaṃkaras and other figures in Jain temples. Most of the objects of worship represent some of the 24 Tīrthaṃkaras, such as Rishabha, Nemi and Pārśva. It is still unclear whether this kind of worship ritual existed from the beginning of Jainism, or whether the Jains introduced image worship from an external religious tradition. However, we can trace it in the literature to the 5th-7th century.

    On the other hand, sixty-three great men, including the Tīrthaṃkaras and other essential figures based on the Jain tradition, have been described in the Jain hagiographical Carita literature. We can assume that hagiographies and image worship shared a similar tendency in their development, because both Carita literature and image worship targeted Tīrthaṃkaras and other saints.

    This paper examines the changes in the treatment of saints in Jainism based on the descriptions of image worship in the Jain scriptural and Carita literature.

  • ――バッティによるAstadhayi 1.3.56 upad yamah svakaraneの解釈――
    川村 悠人
    2016年 64 巻 3 号 1074-1080
    発行日: 2016/03/25
    公開日: 2017/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    Astddhyayi(以下A)1.3.56 upad yamah svakaraneは,upaに先行される動詞語基yamがsvakaranaを表示するとき,同動詞語基の後にatmanepada接辞が起こることを規定する.文法家パタンジャリによれば,svakaranaとは「自分のものでないものを自分のものにすること」(asvam yada svam karoti tada bhavitavyam)である.サンスクリット教育を企図した文法実例書Bhattikavya(以下BhK)のatmanepada部門において,バッティは「女達はお酒を受け取らなかった」(upayamsata na, BhK 8.33,[1])という表現によりA 1.3.56を例証する.後代のパーニニ文法家達が明言するように,[1]は文法学の最高権威パタンジャリの規則解釈に沿うものである.一方,Kasikavrttiによれば,A 1.3.56のsvakaranaが意図するのは,パタンジャリ解釈が示すsvakarana一般(svakaranamatra, S1)ではなく,結婚に限定されたsvakarana (panigrahanavisista-svakarana, S2)である.同解釈に従えば,注釈者マッリナータが指摘するように,[1]は誤った言語運用となる.「酒」と結婚することはできないからである.ここで重要なのは,バッティは作中でupa-yamのatmanepada形をS2の意味でも用いていることである.すなわち「
    よ,結婚して」(upayamsthah, BhK 4.20,[2])と「ラーマよ,結婚して」(upayamsta, BhK 4.28,[3])である.バッティが[2]-[3]を通じてA 1.3.56のsvakaranaはS2としても解釈され得ることを示唆していることは明らかである.A 1.3.56を例証するには[1]だけで十分であるはずなのに,バッティが[1]に加えて[2]-[3]を使用した理由は何か.この問題に対する鍵は,詩人達の実例である.カーリダーサからマーガに至るまでに著された美文作品において,upa-yamのatmanepada形がS2の意味で使用される例は[2]-[3]を含め8つ確認されるのに対し,それがS1の意味で使用される例はBhK以外にない.このことから,バッティの時代,upa-yamのatmanepada形はS2の意味で使用されることが詩人達の間で確立されていた一方,それのS1の意味での使用は極めて稀であったことが分かる.非周知の意味での語の使用は詩的欠陥(dosa)と見なされかねない.それでもバッティは,パタンジャリ解釈の権威に基づいて,[1]をA 1.3.56の例として挙げた.その一方でバッティは,彼の時代に確立されていた詩人達の言語慣習にのっとった形でA 1.3.56を例証するために,[1]に加えて[2]-[3]も使用した.サンスクリットの達人となるためには,学習者は両種の表現方法を学ぶべきであるとバッティは考えたのである.
  • 夏目 葉子
    2020年 55 巻 2 号 136-151
    発行日: 2020年
    公開日: 2021/01/28
    ジャーナル フリー
    目的:アムリタとは,サンスクリット語で「不死」を意味する語であるとともに,不特定のものに適用される形容辞でもあった.しかし,『インドアーユル・ヴェーダ薬局方』(以下略号 API)では,それを特定の複数の薬用植物の同義語として記載している.本論では,インド医学文献におけるアムリタの用例を分析し,アムリタが特定の薬用植物の同義語として規定されるに至った根拠を考察する. 方法:まず,API でアムリタという同義語をもつ薬用植物の薬効を,薬理学の視点から論じる.次に,古代インド三大医学書,それらから処方を引用している『バウアー写本』,および API の典拠のひとつとされる『バーヴァプラカーシャ』におけるアムリタの記述を原文解読することで,その意味を文献学的に分析する. 結果:古代インド三大医学書と『バウアー写本』におけるアムリタは,グドゥーチー,ハリータキー,アーマラカの別称として用いられていた.なかでも,『バーヴァプラカーシャ』の語彙集に記されたグドゥーチーの薬用植物としての起源は,『ラーマーヤナ』に説かれていた「猿たちの復活」と同様に「生命を取り戻す」ことを意味し,「不死」と関連付けた捉え方をしていた. 結論・考察:API におけるアムリタの記述には,古来のインド神話伝説の系譜が関連している.そのことが,API がアムリタを特定の薬用植物の同義語として規定されるに至った根拠のひとつであると考察した.
  • 豊山 亜希
    2016年 82 巻 3 号 193-208
    発行日: 2016年
    公開日: 2018/11/25
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 地理学評論
    1982年 55 巻 7 号 500-501,512
    発行日: 1982/07/01
    公開日: 2008/12/24
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 梶田 真
    2014年 66 巻 5 号 423-442
    発行日: 2014年
    公開日: 2018/01/27
    ジャーナル フリー

    Between the 1990s and 2000s, Anglophone researchers engaged in active discussions concerning policy relevance, the so-called ‘policy (re)turn’ debate. This debate occurred almost exclusively among academics, or what might be termed ‘pure’ geographers, and lacked participation from applied geographers and practitioners. This paper seeks to clarify the nature of these debates in the field of applied geography. Furthermore, this work examines relationships between applied geographers, so-called geographic practitioners, and “pure” geographers as well as academic establishments in the Anglophone world, especially in the United States, since the 1970s.

    First, this paper traces developmental processes within the field of applied geography since the early 1970s. In contrast to the pattern in Europe, within American academia applied geography lost vigor because of the strong theoretical focus that gained popularity in the discipline. This shift might be termed the rise of the ‘new geography’ within American academia. Additionally, another factor was a growing demand for positions at the level of university teaching staff owing to postwar economic prosperity and the entrance of baby boomers to university.

    There was, however, a resurgence of applied geography shortly after this initial decline of practical studies in favor of theoretical research. Following the relevance debate and the decrease of student enrollment within the field, applied geography began to once again gain popularity in the 1970s. These changes in the discipline were mainly brought about by state universities. These institutions were highly dependent on state subsidies and were therefore also governed by state policy. The geographical academies also pushed for the development of the field of applied geography. The Applied Geography Specialty Group (AGSG) and the James R. Anderson Medal of the Association of American Geographers (AAG) were established for distinguished applied geographers. Academic journals such as Applied Geography were also launched in the early 1980s.

    Since the 1990s, there has been a rise in geographical information technologies such as geographic information systems (GISs) and remote sensing. Owing to the popularization of the field through technological developments, an interest in geography was developed outside of the academic discipline. Following this development in the discipline, the National Research Council (NRC) published two documents, Rediscovering geography (NRC, 1997) and Understanding the changing planet (NRC, 2011). These reports emphasized the relevance and applied aspects of geography.

    However, academic studies in applied geography did not flourish in comparison with institutionalized progress within the field. Academic journals and sections of journals allotted to applied geography stagnated or were discontinued. Results taken from a citation analysis of journals such as Applied Geography and other key human geography journals demonstrate a lack of interaction between ‘pure’ geographers and applied geographers.

    This paper further discusses relationships between ‘pure’ geographers and academic establishments within the discipline of geography. ‘Pure’ geographers tended to criticize applied geographers for their lack of theoretical and philosophical grounding. They further critiqued applied geographers as free riders of geographical methodologies who made little contribution to their evolution. ‘Critical turn’ movements in geography led ‘pure’ geographers to exclusively concentrate their interests even further on thoughts and concepts in methodology with a philosophical background. Owing to these debates, these scholars asked applied geographers to reconsider the foundations of their research area and the relevant questions.

    [View PDF for the rest of the abstract.]

  • 田森 雅一
    1998年 63 巻 3 号 302-325
    発行日: 1998/12/30
    公開日: 2018/03/27
    ジャーナル フリー
    本稿は, 北インド大都市に在住するラージプート家族のアイデンティティ形成のあり方を, 宇宙論的・社会的なコンテクストの両方に注目しつつ, ヒンドゥー命名儀礼というミクロな具体性の中で包括的に把握する試みである。今日の人類学的儀礼研究においては, 通過儀礼がイデオロジカルな主体を構築するというモーリス・ブロックのテーゼが一般に受入れられている。しかし, そのような儀礼論理によって構築されるのは祖先中心の主体であり, 伝統的社会の儀礼においては子供の個性や母系的なものは否定され, リネージ中心の関係性が構築されることになる。本稿は, このような儀礼決定論的な主体構築を「補足的親子関係」と「親密性」の視点から再考しようとするものである。そのため, 儀礼の最小単位である家族・親族の親密な関係性に注目し, 占星術や星神信仰などが複合的に絡み合った文化的装置としての命名儀礼の中で, 個人がいかにしてアイデンティティを有する主体となるのか, その一方で儀礼において決定されない個人とはどのようなものかという二つの点に焦点をあてて考察する。本稿の命名儀礼においてもリネージ=祖父中心の主体構築が示唆されるが, 母子関係が否定されるわけではなく, 現実的には母子間の親密性がリネージ中心の主体構築に抗する葛藤要因として現れ, 結果として命名慣習は変容し, 儀礼も行為主体によって操作の対象となりうる。すなわち, 儀礼においてどのような主体が構築されるにせよ, 情緒・美意識・痛みといった個のリアリティは常に留保されており, 状況の変化と微妙に関係しつつ制度や慣習に対してインパクトを有することがあるといえる。
  • ── R.A. コサシのコミックを事例として──
    福岡 まどか
    東南アジア -歴史と文化-
    2009年 2009 巻 38 号 106-140
    発行日: 2009年
    公開日: 2016/12/14
    ジャーナル フリー

    This study takes up the subject of Ramayana folklore in Indonesia. The epic poem Ramayana from India, has spread throughout among many regions of Southeast Asia, having been adopted as the main theme in various performing art forms such as theater, dance drama, and mask dance even up to the present day. In Indonesia, the Ramayana has been performed in the art forms such as wayang kulit (puppet theatre), wayang golek (rod puppet theatre), and sendratari (dance drama). The tale of Ramayana has also been handed down in written text form such as in novels, romances, and comic books.

    In this article, I consider about the Ramayana folklore in Indonesian comic books, citing the characteristic structure and plot of them. Among the Indonesian comic books, R. A. Kosasih’s work is the best-known and most successful one. His comic is called as komik wayang because of its close relationship with the wayang theater. Kosasih adopted many episodes from the wayang tradition, but he dealt these episodes in the unique way. He changed the episodes and also added the episodes created by himself. By doing so intentionally, he prevented “regionalism” such as Javanese, Sundanese or Balinese. He created his own version of the tale of Ramayana. Whereas, we can see the lineage that based on the classical Sanskrit version as written by Valmiki, in the structure of the tales in his comic books, there are many episodes that derived from the Serat Kandha scripts that have close relationship with the stories of the wayang theater. We can also see the many unique episodes that created by Kosasih himself. Through the creation of comic books, Kosasih has succeeded in presentation the entire plot of the Ramayana with his unique version.