餅麹と糟米で造る酒は,「南方草木状」(300年) に初見され,「斉民要術」(530～550) には萱管で飲む粟米焼酒が紹介されている。以来, 1500年の歳月を経た現在でも, 中国, ベトナム, ラオス, ミャンマー, インド東部, ブータンにおいて吸酒管で飲む麹穀類酒が造られている。カンボジアについては, 調査が遅れていたが, 2004年小崎の調査によって, カンボジア東北部に吸酒管壷酒があることが明らかとなった。この貴重な調査結果を報告していただいた。

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世界的な景気悪化の中でアジアが新たな市場として注目を集めており、メコン河流域諸国も順調な経済成長を遂げている一方で、水質や大気の汚染など、環境の悪化が人々の生活に影響を及ぼし始めている。しかし、制度や政策などの社会的な対応がそれに追いついていない。本稿は、ベトナム・カンボジア両国をまたがって流れるメコン河の支流において、上流のダム（ベトナム側）が下流の先住民族（カンボジア側）の生活に影響を与えている事例を取り上げ、ローカル・ガバナンスの視点からメコン河流域における持続可能な発展のための方策を展望するものである。つまり、水資源開発における合意形成の段階において、社会的弱者の意思が反映されにくい状況にあり、水資源開発の計画プロセスに社会的弱者の意思が反映されるようにするためにも、メコン河流域諸国においては、よりいっそう地方行政の成熟化を推進してローカル・ガバナンスを強化することが求められている。

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カンボジア・に住む少数民族ジャライの人びとは伝統的な焼畑農業を営んできた。しかし、近年、大規模プランテーション開発や農家レベルでの換金作物生産の拡大などの経済開発が進み、焼畑農民に種々の影響を与えてきた。このため、このような急激な開発の持続可能性や妥当性を検討する上で、ジャライ農民の伝統的焼畑農業がどのような状況にあるかを知ることが重要になってきている。本研究では、衛星画像解析手法と質的研究手法を用いて、ジャライの人々が行っている焼畑農業に関する伝統的行事や農法、土地利用パターンについて明らかにすることを目的とした。衛星画像解析では、ALOS AVNIR-2 およびWorldview-1 衛星画像データから教師付き分類法により土地利用・土地被覆状況を把握し、ジャライの焼畑農業は換金作物農業と混在する形で変容しつつあることを明らかにした。また、質的データの分析からは、ジャライの焼畑農業が彼らの伝統行事と慣習的土地所有制度に密接に関連した多毛作農業であることが明らかになった。近年、全体で推し進められている経済開発は、ジャライの焼畑農業、そしてジャライ社会全体に大きな影響を与えつつある。

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We conducted a field survey of the distribution of primates at 73 sites in Cambodia, primarily in the Rattanakiri Highlands and the Cardamom, Elephant, and Dangrek Mountains, in 2008 and 2010, based on interviews with local residents, and observations of pet monkeys, wild monkeys, and monkeys fed at temples. In the Rattanakiri Highlands, information on Nycticebus pygmaeus, N. bengalensis, Macaca fascicularis, M. leonina, M. assamensis, M. mulatta, M. arctoides, Pygathrix nigripes, Nomascus gabriellae, and Trachypithecus margarita was obtained, although the presence of M. mulatta and M. assamensis should be confirmed in further studies. In the Cardamom Mountains, information on N. pygmaeus, N. bengalensis, M. fascicularis, M. leonina, M. assamensis, M. mulatta, M. arctoides, T. germaini, and Hylobates pileatus was obtained, although information on N. pygmaeus, M. assamensis, M. mulatta, and M. arctoides should be confirmed in further studies. In the Dangrek Mountains, information on N. bengalensis, M. fascicularis, and M. leonina was obtained. The habitat loss and degradation caused by large timber concessions, agricultural concessions, and illegal hunting are major threats to primates. Primates are protected by the Forest Law of 2002. Nevertheless, local residents are not aware of the law, and many consume and trade wild meat and animal parts. Unrecovered weapons and explosives from the civil war have accelerated excessive hunting of wild animals. Captive breeding of M. fascicularis for international trade for use in pharmaceutical testing and biomedical experiments might also threaten the wild populations, and its effect on wild populations should be examined carefully in future studies. Another problem is the translocation of wild monkeys to Buddhist temples, which affects the natural distribution of endemic genetic variation.

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This paper focuses on the natural rubber industries in Cambodia, Myanmar and Laos. In recent years, the demand of natural rubber for tires has been increasing under the background of the expansion of automobile industries. Today, major suppliers of natural rubber are concentrated to Asian countries, especially Thailand, Indonesia and Malaysia. Moreover, planting and cultivation of natural rubber has been increasing dramatically in Cambodia, Myanmar and Laos. Main reasons are 1) continuous uptrend of the international market price of natural rubber after 2002, 2) increase of large-scale foreign direct investments to develop natural rubber estates by neighboring countries and 3) technology diffusion of high-yield clone, fertilizer and other equipment among small holders. These three countries still have much uncultivated land that are suitable for natural rubber planting and cultivation at cheap land cost compared with neighboring countries. In these three countries, labor cost is also lower than other natural rubber producing countries. Natural rubber planting and cultivation is labor intensive process and these three countries have comparative advantage. In the near future, natural rubber industries in these three countries expanded and would be paid more attention.

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The operations in Asia by Japanese manufacturing companies have been expanding, especially after the Yen appreciation since 2008. In recent years, these companies focus on the relocation of factories from China and Thailand to Cambodia, Laos and Myanmar, because of the wage growth and the occurrence of business risks. Under this background, some companies set up their new factories at the border area of Cambodia. This paper describes 1） the outline of border areas of Cambodia, 2） the situation of foreign direct investments by Japanese manufacturing companies in border economic area of Cambodia, and 3） the features of management strategy of these companies in the aspect of factory relocation in the East Asia. The analytical method is positive analysis by using the concepts of 1） fragmentation, 2） agglomeration, and 3） firm-specific assets. As the survey of three economic border areas in Cambodia, companies in Koh Kong adopt the fragmentation strategy. They transfer the labor-intensive process for the purpose of the cost reduction from their factory in Thailand to Cambodia. In Poi Pet, companies also adopt the fragmentation, and some companies try to establish the agglomeration of the automotive parts industries. On the other hand, in Bavet, most of companies have been operating their factories in China. Their merits of establishing new factories in Cambodia are labor cost reduction, and some companies enjoy the tax incentives by exporting their products through Ho Chi Ming port to Japan.

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UNTAC was, as a 2^nd generation of UNPKO, successful in organizing a free and fair election for legitimizing the Cambodian government. As a result, the government of Cambodia has been receiving international assistance for peace-building since then. The UN human rights operation, assisted by NGOs, promoted peace by means of law and judicial reform as well as human resource development for the authorities. Democracy was, however, fragile. Through the armed conflict in 1997 and termination of the Khmer Rouge’s resistance, the Cambodian Peoples’ Party (CPP), led by Prime Minister Hun Sen, has gained power and become a de facto dictatorship. The rapid economic growth of the market economy has created social problems resulting from gap between rich and poor. The land law and the judiciary, which was reformed for peace and human rights with international assistance, are even manipulated for justifying human rights violations caused by land grabbing and corruption. Judicial corruption is 220 difficult to address in terms of respect for the independence of the judiciary. Thus, structural violence can be seen paradoxically as a result of massive international assistance for peace-building. The ECCC was finally created to address the demand of the Cambodian people to punish those who were responsible for the mass killings by Khmer Rouge. However it also faces another dilemma between peace and justice. How to deal with international standard in the local context and reality? How to define corruption and control it to assist local governance? How to realize human rights? From the viewpoint of human security, cross-border networks of civil society and the private sector might be a key for resolving this challenge.

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The coup d'etat against Cambodian chief of state Norodom Sihanouk in March, 1970 marked a turning point in Cambodian history. This article examines its causes, process, and outcome in the context of the war in Vietnam. Using mainly Vietnamese sources and declassified U. S. materials, the author tries to explain the structural back ground of the coup.
After 1965, the Worker's Party of Vietnam (VWP) needed Chinese arms supplies via the Cambodian port of Sihanoukville due to an adequate supply via the Ho Chi Minh route to the southern theaters especially Nam Bo. The VWP tried to maintain good relations with Sihanouk and opposed the armed struggle policy of Pol Pot's Comunist Party of Cambodia (CPK) against Sihanouk regime.
United State military intelligence recognized the importance of the Sihanoukville arms route as shown by reconaissance operations into Cambodia, although the Johnson administration rejected any military operations there.
The Nixon administration feverd military intelligence angainst State Department and C. I. A.. The American military and diplomatic stalemate led toan aggressive policy towards the Sihanouk regime for its arms transfer to the Vietnamese liberation forces.
As late as January 1970, after Sihanouk had left Cambodia for medical treatment, the White House decided to hatch the coup. Sirik Matak, then acting prime minister of the Cambodian Government, and Lon Nol's younger brother Lon Non acted as agents of the White House. Even before the coup, they had closed the Sihanoukville armes route. After the coup, the Cambodian government severed it's relations with the VWP, and despite Chinese efforts to renew arms transfer for the Vietnamese, Lon Nol never changed his mind.
Nixon's aim for the coup was realized, but it's effects remained temporary. The VWP moved quickly to form an allignment between Sihanouk and Pol Pot, moving its southern main forces into Cambodia to link up with its logistic forces from Laos.
The U. S. failed to gain an advantage either in the battlefields or the negotiation table. As a result the CPK gained wide areas of support both inside and outside Cambodia. The VWP failed to evaluate Pol Pot's nature at that time, the only longterm effect of the U. S. political ambitious initiated coup and the VWP reaction was the unitnentional opportunities it offerd to Pol Pot's.

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1975年から1979年までのポルポト時代には、寺院の破壊や僧侶の強制還俗、宗教活動の禁止によって、カンボジアの仏教は一時的に消滅した。こうした背景から、ポルポト時代以後の僧侶数の回復や寺院の再建が注目され研究されてきたが、俗人の日々の仏教実践がとりあげられることはあまりなかった。本稿では、カンボジア仏教において重要な役割を果たす俗人篤信家の集団に注目する。本稿が依拠する調査をおこなった村落部においてはポルポト時代以後に一人のカリスマ的僧侶が現れたが、そこで篤信家たちがどのような集団を形成してきたのかを検討する。また、内戦やポルポト時代、それ以後の状況から伝統的な実践の影響を直接受けずに育った若い人々へ、老人である篤信家から、仏教的知識や実践はどのように伝達されるのかについても考察する。

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This article explores land-use transformation in a highland community in the Cardamom Mountains in western Cambodia, focusing not only on agricultural land used for subsistence but also on land used for producing a non-timber forest product, cardamom, as a commercial product. Taking account of the historical context in a cardamom production site, the article examines how people who lived in the highlands from the prewar period and migrants from the lowlands during the postwar period acquired agricultural land.

Forestland in the early 1990s was “forbidden forest”; since the prewar period there was a taboo against clearing forests that were used for cardamom production. Both highland people and migrants from the lowlands were aware of the taboo, and some of them avoided clearing the cardamom forest, where the land was most fertile. However, from the late 1990s onward cardamom forest was cleared. Internal factors to this were land rights, including rights to fallow, claimed within the community by early and late returnees and newcomers. External factors such as the construction of logging roads and a hydroelectric dam, the expansion of agricultural cash crops, and the privatization of land by outsiders became additional drivers that pushed people to clear the cardamom forest.

The trajectory of land-use transformation shows that forests were initially used for producing cardamom as a commercial product in the prewar period, later served a subsistence purpose for rice production, and then served a commercial purpose for cash crop production in the postwar period. The changes indicate that the land-use purpose did not simply change from subsistence to commercial in the highland community in the Cardamom Mountains, unlike in other highland communities in Cambodia.

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