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全文: "ラテン帝国"
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  • 坂井 礼文
    関西フランス語フランス文学
    2013年 19 巻 63-64
    発行日: 2013/03/31
    公開日: 2017/07/14
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 杉村 貞臣
    オリエント
    1988年 31 巻 2 号 75-91
    発行日: 1988年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    how the five emperors in the Dynasty of Lascaris (1204-1261) succeeded to the throne is discussed here. The succession by the blood relation as Theodoros I, Theodoros II, John IV, and the succession by the marriage as John III, continued the family line of Lascaris. But a usurpation by Michael VIII has gone to ruin the family of Lascaris. The patriarch and the aristcracy in Nicaea supported the family line of the dynasty.
  • 瀧 健太郎
    成形加工
    2019年 31 巻 11 号 429-430
    発行日: 2019/10/20
    公開日: 2020/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 塚越 雅幸, 清水 俊一
    コンクリート工学
    2013年 51 巻 3 号 296-297
    発行日: 2013年
    公開日: 2014/03/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 和田 廣
    オリエント
    1999年 42 巻 2 号 178-183
    発行日: 1999年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 13世紀ビザンツにおける修道士と聖山
    橋川 裕之
    オリエント
    2006年 49 巻 2 号 147-164
    発行日: 2006年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    The purpose of this paper is to examine the ‘Wanderjahre’ or early life of the patriarch Athanasios I of Constantinople (patriarch 1289-93; 1303-09). Previous studies have tended to focus on his policies and conflicts with various ecclesiastical groups during his two patriarchates since there exist abundant primary sources witnessing to his political and religious activity in Constantinople, including his own epistolary corpus and two Vitae composed after his death. In order to gain a further understanding of his life and deeds, however, it is also necessary to elucidate the background of his reforming policies as Patriarch, especially the effect of his early life on them. Basic questions still remain to be answered: How did he become influential not only among disciple monks but also at the court of the emperor Andronikos II Palaiologos (1282-1328)?, Why was his accession to the patriarchal throne viewed with considerable alarm by some of the contemporary ecclesiastics?, Why did he show considerable concern for the situation of Mount Athos?. A careful comparison between Athanasios and other major monastic figures in the thirteenth century reveals he had two intriguing characteristics. One was his preoccupation with rigorous and seclusive monastic life on the so-called holy mountains. He felt ideal remoteness and quietude could be provided only on such monastic mountains. The other was his decision to live an eremitic life on Mount Athos after spending many years in communal monastic life. This reflects the high priority he placed on the environment of Athos for living as a hermit and then for living with his own disciples. There is no doubt that, even after settling in a monastery in Constantinople at the request of the emperor, Athanasios maintained his own monastic ideals, antithetical to those of the educated elite who comprised the bureaucratic apparatuses of state and church, and thus his ecclesiastical leadership made a remarkable break with the tradition.
  • 大久保 伸子, 西山 教行, 伊藤 直哉, 工藤 進
    フランス語学研究
    2001年 35 巻 1 号 104-109
    発行日: 2001/06/01
    公開日: 2017/09/11
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 宇佐神 正明
    日本経営倫理学会誌
    2004年 11 巻 37-48
    発行日: 2004/03/31
    公開日: 2017/08/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    We know that human societies consist of communities and associations. After the Tokugawa period, Japan has been organized for sustaining of these associational families, also in the time of Meiji Emperor system, and in the governmentally regulated highly economical society after the second-world-war. These communalized associations have been changed into a self-satisfying closed community. However, at the collapse of bubble economy in 1990 decade through the end of cold war between USA and Soviet Union, Japanese leaders have noticed the importance of communal relationships, had brought the package law of decentralization into force in April 2000. These situations will provide Japan and Japanese the conditions to function conscience. Conscience works only in communal relationships, affording every person freedom to conduct and judge by oneself, changing every association on earth into global citizens. Morality belongs to the closed community, on the other, ethics and conscience belongs to international global secular pluralistic society.
  • 宮城 美穂
    オリエント
    2002年 45 巻 2 号 111-132
    発行日: 2002年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    The conflict between the Byzantine Empire and the West in the twelfth century has been one of the most important themes in Byzantine history. Some papers have even hinted that the Byzantines, including the Byzantine historian Nicetas Choniates, preferred the Muslims as neighbors to the Cathoric Westerners. Previous papers have generally argued that Choniates, who wrote his History from 1185 to 1207, testified to this conflict when he criticizes the Westerners who conquered Constantinople in 1204.
    A survey of his use of expressions with γενος, εθνος and βαρβαρος, however, shows that he valued the Westerners most highly among the various peoples around the Empire. While the Byzantines are always referred to as γενος (=people), the Turks as the Muslims most known to the Byzantines at that time are always referred to as βαρβαρος (=barbarian). The peoples in the Balkan Peninsula play only relatively negligible roles in his book. The Westerners are sometimes referred to as γενος who had friendly relationships (=øιλος, øιλιος and øιλια) with the Byzantines, although they are also sometimes referred to as βαρβαρος when they used crude violence to-wards the Byzantines. These facts indicate that Choniates distinguished between the Westerners and the other peoples around the Empire and that he had a prejudice against the Turks.
    In short, the History should not be interpreted in light of the conflict between the West and the Byzantine Empire. It is true that Choniates blamed the Westerners for their cruel conquest, but in comparison with his view of the Turks, it can still be argued that he speaks for the pro-Western Byzantines who regarded the friendships with the Western countries as the vital means of saving their Empire.
  • 渡辺 金一
    オリエント
    1977年 20 巻 1 号 213-228
    発行日: 1977/09/30
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 太記 祐一
    日本建築学会計画系論文集
    2008年 73 巻 623 号 235-240
    発行日: 2008/01/30
    公開日: 2008/10/31
    ジャーナル フリー
    The Monastery of the Prodromos of Stoudios (Stoudios Monastery) in Constantinople was one of the most important monasteries in the Byzantine history. It provided a good example of a Byzantine monastery, located in the imperial capital, Constantinople. Through the examination of three contemporary sources, “Rule of the Monastery”, “Testament of Theodore the Studite”, “De ceremoniis”, this study try to clarify the facilities which attached to the monastery, and at the same time, to get a clue to consider the ruralization of Constantinople in the 9/10 th century.
  • 瀧口 美香
    美学
    2003年 54 巻 2 号 28-41
    発行日: 2003/09/30
    公開日: 2017/05/22
    ジャーナル フリー
    The Mytilene Gospel Book (Lesbos, Mytilene Boys Gymnasium, cod. 9) is an illustrated Greek manuscript, dating from the early thirteenth century. Illustrations in the Mytilene Gospel Book consist of a frontispiece (the Tree of Jesse), four Evangelist portraits, four headpieces at the beginning of each Gospel, and eighty-nine illustrations of the life of Christ. In this paper, unusual illustrations in the headpiece are focused on, where each Evangelist is combined with the second person and one of the three images of Christ (the Emmanuel, the Pantokrator, and the Ancient of Days). How were the three images of Christ related with the four Evangelists? Here, the Evangelist Matthew is accompanied by persons from the Old Testament who represent the past, Luke by the other Evangelists who represent the contemporary, and John by the angel who represents the future. Thus the epithet of Christ (the Lord who is, and who was, and who is to come) is laid to embellish the Evangelists. Furthermore, the frontispiece (the Tree of Jesse) expresses the genealogy of Christ, and together with the extensive narrative cycle, they emphasize the life of Christ on earth. On the other hand, the headpieces with the three images of Christ express the eternal life of Christ. Thus the unusual illustrations of the Mytilene Gospel Book visualize the two nature of Christ, the incarnated man on earth and God with the eternal life in parallel.
  • ―ジョゼファン・ぺラダンとW.B.イェイツ―
    相野 毅
    比較文学
    1988年 30 巻 99-110
    発行日: 1988/03/31
    公開日: 2017/06/17
    ジャーナル フリー

     Dans cet article, nous allons traiter de Joséphin Péladan (1858–1918) et de W. B. Yeats (1865-1939) pour mettre en parallèle la relation entre le mouvement littéraire et le mouvement occultiste à la fin du XXIe siécle en France et en Angleterre. Sâr Péladan fonda la Rose-Croix catholique en 1890, organisa le Salon de Rose-Croix 6 fois entre 1892 et 1897 et eut une influence considérable parmi les symbolistes du domaine esthétique.

     Dans son Vice Suprême, Péladan choisit un mage (nommé Mérodack comme lui-même) comme héros, et utilise des termes occultistes. Ici, les éléments occultistes imprègnent autant les détails que l’intrigue et nous ne saurions pas séparer sa théorie occultiste de ses préoccupations esthétiques fin-de-siècle.

     Yeats commença par être adepte de la Société de Théosophie de Mme Blavatsky et se tourna bientôt vers la Golden Dawn d’origine franc-maçonne et rosicrucienne. Il n’y avait pas de relations systématiques entre ce mouvement anglais et le mouvement occultiste en France, mais, lors de ses visites répétées à Paris, Yeats fréquenta les milieux occultistes en même temps que les milieux symbolistes. L’occultisme est donc important dans l’importation du symbolisme en Angleterre.

     Dans les poèmes d’Yeats, l’association de la rose et de la croix est très visible, et dénote une influence rosicrucienne; l’association de la rose et du rubis est elle aussi significative parce que c’est le nom du Second Ordre de la Golden Dawn. Enfin, dans sa Rosa Archemica, Yeats décrit les milieux occultistes à Londres.

     Dans les deux cas, l’écrivain alimente son imagination à des sources occultes. En conclusion, nous proposons de réinterpréter ce phénomène par la notion de “la mort de toi” définie par Ariès et de le replacer dans un contexte historique élargi.

  • 坪井 九馬三, 神保 小虎, 箕作 元八, 野口 保興, 磯田 良, 山崎 直方
    地学雑誌
    1902年 14 巻 12 号 a1-a46
    発行日: 1902/12/15
    公開日: 2010/10/13
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 斉藤 寛海
    イタリア学会誌
    1978年 26 巻 72-87
    発行日: 1978/03/20
    公開日: 2017/04/05
    ジャーナル フリー
    Il sistema monetario di Venezia, al quale si fa spesso riferimento nei documenti veneziani, e assai complesso essendo costituito da alcune monete reali e da altre ideali. Per l'analisi di questi documenti e necessaria la comprensione di tale sistema. Sommariamente esso puo essere presentato, nella sua evoluzione, nel modo seguente: prima della coniazione del grosso d'argento(ca.1202) 1 libbra=20 soldi=240 denari dopo la coniazione del grasso d'argento(ca.1202) 1) 1 l.di piccoli=20 s.di piccoli=240 d.di piccoli 1 l.di grossi=20 s.di grossi=240 d.di grossi 1 grosso=26 piccoli 2) 1 grosso=26 1/9 piccoli I l.complida di grossi=240 grossi=26 1/9 l.di piccoli 1 l.manca di grossi=239 grossi=26 l.di piccoli 3) 1 l.complida di grossi=26 1/9 l.a grossi 1 l.manca di grossi=26 l.a grossi 4) 1 grosso=32 piccoli dopo la coniazione del ducato d'oro(1284) 1) 1 ducato=18 grossi 2) 1 ducato=40 s.a grossi(=18 1/2 grossi) 3) 1 ducato=40 s.a oro(della zecca) 4) 1 ducato=24 grossi 5)1 ducato=24 grossi a oro 10 ducati=1 l.(complida)di grossi a oro=26 1/9 l.a grossi 6) 1 grosso=32 piccoli(ideali) 7) 1 grosso=2 mezzanini 1 grosso=(36 piccoli reali=)3 soldini 1 piccolo=2 bianchi 8) 1 grosso a monete=32 piccoli(reali).
  • 新約時代のキリスト教における平和の実現と潜在的攻撃性
    ルツ ウルリヒ
    日本の神学
    2006年 2006 巻 45 号 9-45
    発行日: 2006/09/21
    公開日: 2010/02/10
    ジャーナル フリー
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