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  • 重政 公一
    国際政治
    2018年 2018 巻 190 号 190_81-190_96
    発行日: 2018/01/25
    公開日: 2018/12/19
    ジャーナル 認証あり

    This article postulates that Myanmar’s long-discarded ethnic minority group, the Rohingya people in Rakhine State, has a multifaceted characteristic—refugees, internally displaced persons, and stateless people. They have one common theme—the most persecuted minority in the world. This paper investigates their plight from its origins in the nineteenth century up to now and argues that ASEAN needs to consider on the applicability of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) norm to eradicate their plight. Interference, however, would be an unorthodox diplomatic move that violates ASEAN’s long-guarded non-interference principle.

    The justifications for interference are three-fold: the Rohingyas are “stateless” people with no governmental protection for their right to life; they fall victim to the inter-communal violence that was invoked by nationalistic Buddhist movements; and their evacuation from the deteriorating human rights conditions on the ground puts their life into jeopardy at sea, and they are subject to human trafficking at a later stage.

    The United Nations World Summit Outcome Document stipulated the R2P norm in 2005. ASEAN member states verbally accepted this norm’s emergence in the first instance, but are at odds with its introduction into regional politics. To examine the theoretical and policy application of it, we do not take this norm’s localization in Southeast Asia for granted.

    This piece categorizes three types of arguments over the R2P and its localization within the ASEAN area when we examine the Rohingya issues in Myanmar and beyond. First, there are “accommodationsit” that say that the state sovereignty can be reconciled with humanitarian needs and imperative situations faced with the Rohingya’s plight. “Incrementalist” contend that ASEAN has endeavored to create a caring society for its people by establishing new institutions to promote and protect human rights and fundamental values. The ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights, as an overarching institution of the kind, is a case in point. Despite some institutional deficiencies, it has at least a “tongue”—promoting and protecting ASEAN people’s fundamental rights as encapsulated in the ASEAN Human Rights Declaration(2012). Incrementalist can view these existing legal frameworks, humanitarian and human rights instruments, to which the ASEAN member states have acceded, as the window of opportunity for a possible localization of R2P in the region. Finally, “Scepticist” regard the R2P’s localization as premature, since the ardent advocacy for the norm comes from external regional non-state actors. This makes the scepticist doubt that decision-makers in ASEAN really take the norm seriously.

    In light of the events surrounding the Rohingyas from 2012 onwards, these three claims have been examined. The incrementalist view on R2P, supported by various ASEAN documents, seems to have gained ground. The ASEAN foreign ministers’ retreat meeting on December 2016 paved the way for ASEAN’s pragmatic application of R2P principle, without embarrassing Myanmar by directly alluding to the R2P. This article concludes that the gap between the non-interference principle and the humanitarian norm appears to be narrowing in the case of Myanmar’s Rohingya issues.

  • 杉江 あい
    E-journal GEO
    2018年 13 巻 1 号 312-331
    発行日: 2018年
    公開日: 2018/05/31
    ジャーナル フリー

    2017年8月25日以降,67万人以上のロヒンギャ難民がミャンマー国軍による弾圧を逃れてバングラデシュに流入した.この前代未聞の人道危機を受け,バングラデシュ政府およびさまざまな国際機関やNGOが協働して支援を行っている.本稿はロヒンギャ難民支援の実態をフィールドワークによって明らかにし,キャンプ・世帯間の支援格差がどのように生じているのかを検討した.現行の支援体制は,多種多様な支援機関とその活動を部門内/間で調整し,またキャンプの現状を迅速かつ頻繁に把握・公開して支援活動にフィードバックする機構を備えている.しかし,最終的には支援の濃淡を解消するための全体的な調整よりも,各支援機関による現場選択が優先されてしまい,中心地から遠く,私有地に立地するキャンプでは支援が手薄になっていた.このほかにも,配給のプロセスやその形態,共同設備の管理等,現行の支援体制において改善すべき具体的な問題が明らかになった.

  • 人見 泰弘
    現代社会学研究
    2007年 20 巻 1-18
    発行日: 2007/06/10
    公開日: 2009/11/16
    ジャーナル フリー
    近年,国境を越えた移民の国際的な移動は拡大してきた。この拡大を受けて,先進諸国では市民権制度に基づいた移民政策によって,移民の受け入れやホスト社会への統合の問題に対応しようとしている。他方で移民たちは,社会組織などを活用しながら,定住国での様々な問題に取り組むと言われている。
    では,こうした移民政策は社会組織にどのような影響を与えているのだろうか。本稿では国際移民のひとつである難民が,彼らを対象とした庇護政策にいかにして組織的に対応しているかを明らかにする。特に母国の軍事政権を倒すために組織的な活動を行うとされるビルマ系難民を事例として取り上げる。
    ビルマ系は,本国の軍事政権を倒し,将来帰国することを目的とした政治組織を形成してきた。一方で,ビルマでの複雑な多民族的背景によって,政治活動は一枚岩で展開することはできなかった。また同時に,非正規状態にいるビルマ系難民にとっては,在留権の確保が必要になった。ビルマ系は,難民認定制度を利用して在留権を獲得することが求められる。ビルマ系は,難民支援NGOと連携しつつ,難民認定に必要な情報や資料の収集を組織的に行うことになった。
    こうした過程を経て,ビルマ系は政治組織を再編しつつある。ひとつは,これまでの民主化運動の有り方を見直す方向に。もうひとつは,定住期間の長期化を視野に入れた方向に。それらは,彼らの将来への取り組みを示すものだった。
  • 中谷 哲弥
    南アジア研究
    2001年 2001 巻 13 号 206-212
    発行日: 2001年
    公開日: 2011/03/16
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 土佐 桂子
    日本文化人類学会研究大会発表要旨集
    2017年 2017 巻
    発行日: 2017年
    公開日: 2017/05/26
    会議録・要旨集 フリー
    本報告では、ミャンマーの僧侶、在家が2013年に結成した「民族宗教保護協会(通称マバタ)」による法律制定希求の動きに着目する。この運動を反ムスリム運動と法律制定という二側面からとらえ、前者としては、教育や環境問題に従事する集団を取り上げ彼らがいかに運動に参加するかを示す。後者としては、植民地時代以来、宗教的混婚が社会的コンフリクトの原因であったという歴史的経緯を踏まえ、政治的公共性の観点から論じる。
  • 山本 薫子
    日本不動産学会誌
    2016年 30 巻 2 号 61-65
    発行日: 2016/09/28
    公開日: 2017/09/28
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 人見 泰弘
    現代社会学研究
    2008年 21 巻 19-38
    発行日: 2008年
    公開日: 2012/01/31
    ジャーナル フリー
      主な移民の就労に関する研究が,彼らの就労先が職業別の「ニッチ」のような特定の産業や職種毎に分断化されていくとみなしていたなかで,移民たちがどのようにして特定のニッチに参入していくのかという問いが提示されている。本稿は,1990年代以降,資格外就労者の労働市場に参入するビルマ系難民を事例とし,彼らがどのようにして労働市場における位置づけを確立していったのかを,入職経路に着目しつつ明らかにする。特に初職から現職に至るまでの過程において,彼らがどのようなアクターから就労に必要な資源を提供されてきたのかに注目する。
      フィールドワークのデータからは,以下のことが確認された。ビルマ系難民は,都市部の飲食業において職業ニッチを形成してきた。この職業ニッチは労働者の高い流動性を背景に,社会的ネットワークによる連鎖雇用によって形成されてきたものである。ビルマ系は,初職には親類や同居人などの身近な友人とのネットワークを介してアクセスしていく。その後,現職に至るまでに,政治組織や宗教組織,職場といった場面を通じて新規の友人関係を形成し,豊富な転職機会にアクセス可能にしている。なかでも多様なエスニックな出自や宗教的背景は,ビルマ系に同じエスニック集団成員に限らない友人関係を形成可能にしてきた。こうした来日以降に形成されたネットワークが,ビルマ系の職業ニッチを維持・拡張させてきたのである。
  • 直野 温子
    東南アジア研究
    2018年 55 巻 2 号 405-408
    発行日: 2018年
    公開日: 2018/02/09
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 永井 史男
    国際政治
    2016年 2016 巻 185 号 185_1-185_16
    発行日: 2016/10/25
    公開日: 2016/11/22
    ジャーナル フリー

    “International Relations” has not published a special issue on Southeast Asia for more than half a century since the publication of Vol. 16 in 1961. Even if we take a shorter period and count the years since the publication of Vol. 84, sub-titled “Southeast Asia”, more than 30 years have elapsed with no publication on Southeast Asia. Such a long interval does not, however, necessarily denote the insignificance of this region.

    This Introduction has 3 purposes: 1) to give an overview of changes in Southeast Asian countries since the end of the Cold War, 2) to identify recent research trends in the light of important research results, and 3) to summarize each article in this special issue.

    Since the end of the Cold War, Southeast Asia has faced various challenges, such as globalization,regionalization (ASEAN integration), democratization and anti-democratization, terrorism, and so forth. In this region, domestic politics and foreign policies are closely inter-related. On the one hand, the international environment acts as a constraint on domestic politics, and on the other hand, foreign policy should be considered as an extension of domestic politics.

    Political, economic and social transformations in Southeast Asian countries since the end of the Cold War are summarized by each country. The countries are divided into 4 groups: 1) countries with experience of democratization (Indonesia, the Philippines, and Thailand); 2) countries with experience of authoritarian regimes (Malaysia and Singapore); 3) countries that have suffered from civil war or control by a military regime (East Timor, Cambodia, and Myanmar); and 4) one-party Socialist countries (Vietnam and Laos).

    Factors such as increased urbanization, the popularization of higher education and change in industrial structure are likely to result in different political outcomes in each country depending on its domestic political regime. Various problems facing Southeast Asian countries can be divided into the following: political transformation and democratization, political parties and elections, decentralization, local governance and political stability, integration and secession. New issues include peace-building,responsibility to protect, non-traditional security, and trans-border migration. Important research results are also referred to.

    Finally, summaries of the six articles on Southeast Asia published in this special issue are listed in the order of the issues mentioned above.

    While quantitative research continues to be important in Southeast Asian Studies, an Area Studies approach is still relevant for research on politics and international relations in Southeast Asia

  • 小林 尚行
    国際保健医療
    2018年 33 巻 4 号 313-324
    発行日: 2018/12/20
    公開日: 2019/01/15
    ジャーナル フリー

    目的

      ミャンマーが軍事政権下に置かれていた時代においては援助国による支援活動は停止又は限定的な支援に留まっていたが、この状況は2011年の民主化の動きとともに徐々に打開された。ミャンマー政府は2013年にミャンマー開発協力フォーラムを開催し、開発パートナー(援助国、国際機関、国際的な基金等を含む)に今後の開発の方向性を明示した。保健医療分野については政府予算を増加させ、SDGsのターゲットであるユニバーサル・ヘルス・カバレッジ(UHC)の達成を今後の目標として掲げるとともに、その具体化に向けて「国家保健計画2017-2021」を2017年に策定した。これらの環境の変化に応じ、開発パートナーが考慮すべき事項について考察を試みた。

    方法

      現地調査及び文献検索により政府と開発パートナーの動向を調べ、UHCの達成にむけて検討が必要な事項と開発パートナーが考慮すべき事項を整理した。

    結果と結論

      MDGsの下では主に母子保健や特定の疾患対策に焦点が置かれ、特に保健医療サービスの強化に開発パートナーの支援が集中する傾向があった。UHC達成を目標として掲げ、全ての人々に経済的な負担が無く保健医療サービスを展開していくためには、ミャンマー国全体の保健医療における課題を分析した上で総合的な医療政策の策定及び実施を行うことが必要となってきている。この変化に対し開発パートナーはミャンマー国の医療政策課題に対応した形で支援を具体化していくことが必要である。

  • 加藤 恵津子
    文化人類学
    2017年 82 巻 3 号 413-415
    発行日: 2017年
    公開日: 2018/05/16
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 早川 達也
    蘇生
    1997年 16 巻 2 号 122-126
    発行日: 1997/08/20
    公開日: 2010/06/08
    ジャーナル フリー
    AMDA, the Association of Medical Doctors of Asia, based in Okayama city, has 18 country chapters. It is an international medical non-governmental organization (NGO), founded in 1984, working for an improvement in health and related area in Asian and other local commu-nities. The AMDA projects include humanitarian assistance to victims of natural disasters and war refugees through medical care, as well as giving medical advices to foreign residents in Japan. It has as its motto“Better Quality of Life for Better Future”a goal to be realized by means of“mutual understanding, mutual assistance.”When an emergency occurs, a group is formed consisting of doctors and coordinators from AMDA country chapters and is sent to the site. NGOs are able to make a quick and flexible response to disaster. In order to do this, NGOs should strengthen partnership to activate mutual assistance.
  • 平木 光二
    パーリ学仏教文化学
    2016年 30 巻 65-86
    発行日: 2016年
    公開日: 2018/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The general impression of Myanmar monks is that they do not participate in politics. However, even under the military regime which has suppressed political activities by force, Buddhist monk activists have existed. Wirathu, a Buddhist monk activist, launched an anti-Islam campaign called 969 through anti-Islam hate speech and the distribution of propaganda leaflets to citizens by establishing a hard-line group for Protection of Race and Religion (MaBaTha).
    The author sets up a hypothesis that the islamophobia held by successive presidents and racist monks has been a primary factor of ethno-religious conflict between Myanmar-muslims including the Rohingyas and ethnic Rakhine (Arakanese), Mon and Myanmar Buddhists.
    For a better understanding of the features of MaBaTha that have been rumored to incite racially and religiously triggered violence, the author questioned the legitimacy of the emblem of the 969 campaign and that of establishment of a religious group.
    The results show that the emblem of the 969 campaign is not officially approved by the Ministry of Religious Affairs and that Wirathu was ordered not to establish a religious association by the State Sangha Maha Nayaka Committee which is a government-appointed body that oversees Buddhist monkhood.
    Despite that, why could Wirathu continue the 969 campaign? The author suggests the reason is that islamophobic President Thein Sein afforded Wirathu and MaBaTha special benefit in every way, which enabled him to openly participate in politics.
    The study concludes Myanmar people’s innermost fear of Islam has been the primary factor of conflicts between Myanmar-muslims and ethnic Rakhine (Arakanese), Mon and Myanmar Buddhists.
  • 飯笹 佐代子
    国際政治
    2018年 2018 巻 190 号 190_97-190_113
    発行日: 2018/01/25
    公開日: 2018/12/19
    ジャーナル 認証あり

    The waters connecting Indonesia and Australia (the Indian Ocean, the Timor Sea and the Arafura Sea) have been a “people smuggling” trade route to Australia since the mid-1990s. Many asylum seekers, mainly from Central Asia and the Middle East, departed Indonesian coasts for Australian territories, including Christmas Island and Ashmore Reef, on shabby wooden fishing boats. In response, the Australian government started to implement increasingly rigid border control policies in order to deter such boat arrivals, often portrayed as serious threats to Australian sovereignty. The most notorious is the so-called “Pacific Solution”, which was implemented between 2001 to 2008, and was resumed in 2012 to intercept and remove “boat people” to offshore detention centres in Nauru and Papua New Guinea.

    It is noteworthy that the Australian government has sought to address its boat people issues by positively using the regional cooperation framework of the Bali Process on People Smuggling, Trafficking in Persons and Related Transnational Crime, which is an official international forum established in 2002 on Australia’s initiative. Currently, the Bali Process has over 48 members, including all ASEAN countries and UNHCR, as well as a number of observer countries and international agencies.

    This paper traces how the Bali Process has been intrinsically linked to Australian national policy on asylum seekers, and examines the tension among the members, including UNHCR, which has tried to put refugee protection onto the agenda of the Bali Process. In spite of UNHCR’s efforts, securitised discourse on irregular migration has dominated the Bali Process, which has served Australia’s political interests well at the risk of promoting a holistic regional approach for refugee protection.

    On the other hand, as M. Curley & K. Vandyk mentioned, the Bali Process is an institutional space in which co-chairs Australia and Indonesia and other regional countries could contest and amend the norms and practices around the human rights of refugees and asylum-seekers. In this sense, the Bali Process has significant consequences for the international refugee regime in the Asia Pacific region, where most countries are not parties to the Refugee Convention or Protocol.

    As such, emerging trends in the Bali Process are also considered to shed light on more recent positive signs, such as the new active role of Indonesia in shaping the agenda seen in the Jakarta Declaration, reflecting a broader humanitarian perspective than ever as well as the possibility of cooperation between the state-led Bali Process and civil society actors.

  • 斎藤 紋子
    東南アジア -歴史と文化-
    2012年 2012 巻 41 号 5-29
    発行日: 2012年
    公開日: 2016/12/14
    ジャーナル フリー

    This study considers the formation of the concept of ‘Bamar Muslims’ by examining the description in history books written by them and the political and social background of the 1930s. ‘Bamar Muslims’ are self−styled individuals having Islamic faith; they are conscious indigenous citizens and respect Myanmar customs. It is maintained that approximately 89% of the entire population of Myanmar is Buddhist, with 98% of the Burmese ethnic group following Buddhism. It is quite common that the term “Bamar” includes a religious implication, namely Buddhism, although it is occasionally used to refer to the Burmese “ethnic group” only. The concept of “Bamar” ethnicity, which includes both ethnic grouping and religious belief, is widespread throughout Myanmar society.

    In British Burma, there was an influx of Indian immigrants in the mid−19th century because of the new administrative system and economic development during the British colonial rule. Muslims currently living in Myanmar, including ‘Bamar Muslims’, are mostly descendants of Indian immigrants who migrated prior to, or during, the British colonial period. Most of these immigrants gained citizenship through naturalization and appeared to be integrated into the nation state.

    The claim of Bamar Muslims appeared during the British colonial period. Bamar Muslims wrote some books on their history in the 1930s, emphasizing that they are not Indians but ethnically Burmese. These history books describe their adoption of Burmese culture and customs, and good relationships between Bamar Muslims and the dynasties of Burma. In contrast, on the Census, they were categorized as ‘Zerbadi,’ whose father is Indian Muslim and mother is Burmese Buddhist. The Zerbadi community was recognised as the Indian Muslim community, and the Census reports show that Burmese people regarded Bamar Muslims as Indians or foreigners, not as Burmese. Moreover, in the 1930s, there was widespread discontent against Indians in Burmese society, so the Indians found the environment there uneasiness because of the social frustration directed at them.

    The voice of Bamar Muslims that they were indigenous Muslims and respected Myanmar’s culture first came to light during the 1920s and 1930s; this was a result of an interplay of various factors. The point of emphasis first appeared in history books written by Bamar Muslims themselves, in which they asserted their own identity. In addition, it is speculated that one of the reasons for the formation of the concept of ‘Bamar Muslims’ was the feeling of anxiety harboured by those who found themselves the targets of frustration and dissatisfaction, along with the feeling of disconnect between their self−consciousness and the way in which the surrounding society grouped and categorised them.

  • 人見 泰弘
    年報社会学論集
    2008年 2008 巻 21 号 107-118
    発行日: 2008/07/20
    公開日: 2012/02/29
    ジャーナル フリー
    Comparing two groups of refugees and their asylum policies in Japan, this article challenges the claim that the spread of international human rights norm causes the expansion of rights for international migration. Based on the multilayered citizenship theory that posits boundaries between illegal migrants, temporary residents, permanent residents, second and first class nationals in an immigration policy, this study suggests the following. Refugees extracted concessions from the Japanese government through a legal path, while the government introduced a segmented residential rights scheme into the asylum policy in an attempt to limit the spread of the international human rights norm. Due to the automatic segmentation of the migration process, refugees have been forced to modify their migration strategies.
  • 大墻 敦
    放送研究と調査
    2018年 68 巻 1 号 78-85
    発行日: 2018年
    公開日: 2018/02/28
    研究報告書・技術報告書 フリー
    2011年、全日本テレビ番組製作社連盟(ATP)が、テレビ番組の海外発信を強化することを目的に国際共同製作イベント“Tokyo Docs”を始めた。7年間で528の企画応募があり、160の企画がピッチングセッション(国際テレビ番組提案会議)にかけられた。ピッチングセッションとは、国内外の放送局の編成・制作担当者などの前で、日本のプロデューサーやディレクターが企画をプレゼンして国際共同製作の可能性を探る場である。ピッチされた160の企画趣旨を分析すると「社会問題」「人もの」が多く、日本の製作者たちが、人間を通じて世界に通じる普遍的なテーマを描こうとしている傾向があることがわかった。さらに、主に国内で撮影する企画が75%、と地の利を生かした企画が多いこともわかった。Tokyo Docs7年目の成果として「国際共同製作が実現」あるいは「交渉過程にあるもの」が42あり、およそ25%が海外発信力をもつ企画であった。当初目標の一つ「2020年までに20人の国際展開プロデューサーを育成する」は、若手を中心に意欲的な候補者が多数あらわれている状況で、今後の課題は、実戦経験を増やすことであること言われている。筆者は初回から毎回参加してきたが、Tokyo Docsが、日本の製作者の海外発信力を強化する場として、着実な成長過程にあると感じている。
  • 伊賀 司
    アジア・アフリカ地域研究
    2017年 17 巻 1 号 73-102
    発行日: 2017/11/30
    公開日: 2017/12/13
    ジャーナル フリー

    This paper explores the politics of sexuality issues (sexuality politics) between the government and the LGBT movement in Malaysia since the 1980s. The Malaysian LGBT movement has faced repressive government policies and discrimination from society. However, some LGBT movements in the post-Mahathir era, such as Seksualiti Merdeka, Justice for Sisters, and Pelangi, have associated with the other NGOs and social movements and actively advocated the protection of LGBT people’s human rights in public spaces.

    This paper explores when and how sexuality politics between the state and the LGBT movement appeared in Malaysia. Four incidents or moments were found to be important for the birth of sexuality politics in Malaysia: Islamization since the 1980s, the Asian Values discourse during the Mahathir administration, the HIV/AIDS epidemic, and the sodomy court case of Anwar Ibrahim. In the post-Mahathir era, the state has introduced new ways of repressing LGBT people, while the LGBT movements have also adopted new strategies.

  • 日本オーラル・ヒストリー研究
    2016年 12 巻 5-
    発行日: 2016年
    公開日: 2018/12/28
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
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