全文: "ロヒンギャ"
19件中 1-19の結果を表示しています
  • 重政 公一
    2018年 2018 巻 190 号 190_81-190_96
    発行日: 2018/01/25
    公開日: 2018/12/19
    ジャーナル 認証あり

    This article postulates that Myanmar’s long-discarded ethnic minority group, the Rohingya people in Rakhine State, has a multifaceted characteristic—refugees, internally displaced persons, and stateless people. They have one common theme—the most persecuted minority in the world. This paper investigates their plight from its origins in the nineteenth century up to now and argues that ASEAN needs to consider on the applicability of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) norm to eradicate their plight. Interference, however, would be an unorthodox diplomatic move that violates ASEAN’s long-guarded non-interference principle.

    The justifications for interference are three-fold: the Rohingyas are “stateless” people with no governmental protection for their right to life; they fall victim to the inter-communal violence that was invoked by nationalistic Buddhist movements; and their evacuation from the deteriorating human rights conditions on the ground puts their life into jeopardy at sea, and they are subject to human trafficking at a later stage.

    The United Nations World Summit Outcome Document stipulated the R2P norm in 2005. ASEAN member states verbally accepted this norm’s emergence in the first instance, but are at odds with its introduction into regional politics. To examine the theoretical and policy application of it, we do not take this norm’s localization in Southeast Asia for granted.

    This piece categorizes three types of arguments over the R2P and its localization within the ASEAN area when we examine the Rohingya issues in Myanmar and beyond. First, there are “accommodationsit” that say that the state sovereignty can be reconciled with humanitarian needs and imperative situations faced with the Rohingya’s plight. “Incrementalist” contend that ASEAN has endeavored to create a caring society for its people by establishing new institutions to promote and protect human rights and fundamental values. The ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights, as an overarching institution of the kind, is a case in point. Despite some institutional deficiencies, it has at least a “tongue”—promoting and protecting ASEAN people’s fundamental rights as encapsulated in the ASEAN Human Rights Declaration(2012). Incrementalist can view these existing legal frameworks, humanitarian and human rights instruments, to which the ASEAN member states have acceded, as the window of opportunity for a possible localization of R2P in the region. Finally, “Scepticist” regard the R2P’s localization as premature, since the ardent advocacy for the norm comes from external regional non-state actors. This makes the scepticist doubt that decision-makers in ASEAN really take the norm seriously.

    In light of the events surrounding the Rohingyas from 2012 onwards, these three claims have been examined. The incrementalist view on R2P, supported by various ASEAN documents, seems to have gained ground. The ASEAN foreign ministers’ retreat meeting on December 2016 paved the way for ASEAN’s pragmatic application of R2P principle, without embarrassing Myanmar by directly alluding to the R2P. This article concludes that the gap between the non-interference principle and the humanitarian norm appears to be narrowing in the case of Myanmar’s Rohingya issues.

  • 杉江 あい
    E-journal GEO
    2018年 13 巻 1 号 312-331
    発行日: 2018年
    公開日: 2018/05/31
    ジャーナル フリー


  • 人見 泰弘
    2007年 20 巻 1-18
    発行日: 2007/06/10
    公開日: 2009/11/16
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 中谷 哲弥
    2001年 2001 巻 13 号 206-212
    発行日: 2001年
    公開日: 2011/03/16
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 土佐 桂子
    2017年 2017 巻
    発行日: 2017年
    公開日: 2017/05/26
    会議録・要旨集 フリー
  • 山本 薫子
    2016年 30 巻 2 号 61-65
    発行日: 2016/09/28
    公開日: 2017/09/28
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 人見 泰弘
    2008年 21 巻 19-38
    発行日: 2008年
    公開日: 2012/01/31
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 直野 温子
    2018年 55 巻 2 号 405-408
    発行日: 2018年
    公開日: 2018/02/09
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 永井 史男
    2016年 2016 巻 185 号 185_1-185_16
    発行日: 2016/10/25
    公開日: 2016/11/22
    ジャーナル フリー

    “International Relations” has not published a special issue on Southeast Asia for more than half a century since the publication of Vol. 16 in 1961. Even if we take a shorter period and count the years since the publication of Vol. 84, sub-titled “Southeast Asia”, more than 30 years have elapsed with no publication on Southeast Asia. Such a long interval does not, however, necessarily denote the insignificance of this region.

    This Introduction has 3 purposes: 1) to give an overview of changes in Southeast Asian countries since the end of the Cold War, 2) to identify recent research trends in the light of important research results, and 3) to summarize each article in this special issue.

    Since the end of the Cold War, Southeast Asia has faced various challenges, such as globalization,regionalization (ASEAN integration), democratization and anti-democratization, terrorism, and so forth. In this region, domestic politics and foreign policies are closely inter-related. On the one hand, the international environment acts as a constraint on domestic politics, and on the other hand, foreign policy should be considered as an extension of domestic politics.

    Political, economic and social transformations in Southeast Asian countries since the end of the Cold War are summarized by each country. The countries are divided into 4 groups: 1) countries with experience of democratization (Indonesia, the Philippines, and Thailand); 2) countries with experience of authoritarian regimes (Malaysia and Singapore); 3) countries that have suffered from civil war or control by a military regime (East Timor, Cambodia, and Myanmar); and 4) one-party Socialist countries (Vietnam and Laos).

    Factors such as increased urbanization, the popularization of higher education and change in industrial structure are likely to result in different political outcomes in each country depending on its domestic political regime. Various problems facing Southeast Asian countries can be divided into the following: political transformation and democratization, political parties and elections, decentralization, local governance and political stability, integration and secession. New issues include peace-building,responsibility to protect, non-traditional security, and trans-border migration. Important research results are also referred to.

    Finally, summaries of the six articles on Southeast Asia published in this special issue are listed in the order of the issues mentioned above.

    While quantitative research continues to be important in Southeast Asian Studies, an Area Studies approach is still relevant for research on politics and international relations in Southeast Asia

  • 小林 尚行
    2018年 33 巻 4 号 313-324
    発行日: 2018/12/20
    公開日: 2019/01/15
    ジャーナル フリー







  • 加藤 恵津子
    2017年 82 巻 3 号 413-415
    発行日: 2017年
    公開日: 2018/05/16
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 早川 達也
    1997年 16 巻 2 号 122-126
    発行日: 1997/08/20
    公開日: 2010/06/08
    ジャーナル フリー
    AMDA, the Association of Medical Doctors of Asia, based in Okayama city, has 18 country chapters. It is an international medical non-governmental organization (NGO), founded in 1984, working for an improvement in health and related area in Asian and other local commu-nities. The AMDA projects include humanitarian assistance to victims of natural disasters and war refugees through medical care, as well as giving medical advices to foreign residents in Japan. It has as its motto“Better Quality of Life for Better Future”a goal to be realized by means of“mutual understanding, mutual assistance.”When an emergency occurs, a group is formed consisting of doctors and coordinators from AMDA country chapters and is sent to the site. NGOs are able to make a quick and flexible response to disaster. In order to do this, NGOs should strengthen partnership to activate mutual assistance.
  • 平木 光二
    2016年 30 巻 65-86
    発行日: 2016年
    公開日: 2018/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The general impression of Myanmar monks is that they do not participate in politics. However, even under the military regime which has suppressed political activities by force, Buddhist monk activists have existed. Wirathu, a Buddhist monk activist, launched an anti-Islam campaign called 969 through anti-Islam hate speech and the distribution of propaganda leaflets to citizens by establishing a hard-line group for Protection of Race and Religion (MaBaTha).
    The author sets up a hypothesis that the islamophobia held by successive presidents and racist monks has been a primary factor of ethno-religious conflict between Myanmar-muslims including the Rohingyas and ethnic Rakhine (Arakanese), Mon and Myanmar Buddhists.
    For a better understanding of the features of MaBaTha that have been rumored to incite racially and religiously triggered violence, the author questioned the legitimacy of the emblem of the 969 campaign and that of establishment of a religious group.
    The results show that the emblem of the 969 campaign is not officially approved by the Ministry of Religious Affairs and that Wirathu was ordered not to establish a religious association by the State Sangha Maha Nayaka Committee which is a government-appointed body that oversees Buddhist monkhood.
    Despite that, why could Wirathu continue the 969 campaign? The author suggests the reason is that islamophobic President Thein Sein afforded Wirathu and MaBaTha special benefit in every way, which enabled him to openly participate in politics.
    The study concludes Myanmar people’s innermost fear of Islam has been the primary factor of conflicts between Myanmar-muslims and ethnic Rakhine (Arakanese), Mon and Myanmar Buddhists.
  • 飯笹 佐代子
    2018年 2018 巻 190 号 190_97-190_113
    発行日: 2018/01/25
    公開日: 2018/12/19
    ジャーナル 認証あり

    The waters connecting Indonesia and Australia (the Indian Ocean, the Timor Sea and the Arafura Sea) have been a “people smuggling” trade route to Australia since the mid-1990s. Many asylum seekers, mainly from Central Asia and the Middle East, departed Indonesian coasts for Australian territories, including Christmas Island and Ashmore Reef, on shabby wooden fishing boats. In response, the Australian government started to implement increasingly rigid border control policies in order to deter such boat arrivals, often portrayed as serious threats to Australian sovereignty. The most notorious is the so-called “Pacific Solution”, which was implemented between 2001 to 2008, and was resumed in 2012 to intercept and remove “boat people” to offshore detention centres in Nauru and Papua New Guinea.

    It is noteworthy that the Australian government has sought to address its boat people issues by positively using the regional cooperation framework of the Bali Process on People Smuggling, Trafficking in Persons and Related Transnational Crime, which is an official international forum established in 2002 on Australia’s initiative. Currently, the Bali Process has over 48 members, including all ASEAN countries and UNHCR, as well as a number of observer countries and international agencies.

    This paper traces how the Bali Process has been intrinsically linked to Australian national policy on asylum seekers, and examines the tension among the members, including UNHCR, which has tried to put refugee protection onto the agenda of the Bali Process. In spite of UNHCR’s efforts, securitised discourse on irregular migration has dominated the Bali Process, which has served Australia’s political interests well at the risk of promoting a holistic regional approach for refugee protection.

    On the other hand, as M. Curley & K. Vandyk mentioned, the Bali Process is an institutional space in which co-chairs Australia and Indonesia and other regional countries could contest and amend the norms and practices around the human rights of refugees and asylum-seekers. In this sense, the Bali Process has significant consequences for the international refugee regime in the Asia Pacific region, where most countries are not parties to the Refugee Convention or Protocol.

    As such, emerging trends in the Bali Process are also considered to shed light on more recent positive signs, such as the new active role of Indonesia in shaping the agenda seen in the Jakarta Declaration, reflecting a broader humanitarian perspective than ever as well as the possibility of cooperation between the state-led Bali Process and civil society actors.

  • 斎藤 紋子
    東南アジア -歴史と文化-
    2012年 2012 巻 41 号 5-29
    発行日: 2012年
    公開日: 2016/12/14
    ジャーナル フリー

    This study considers the formation of the concept of ‘Bamar Muslims’ by examining the description in history books written by them and the political and social background of the 1930s. ‘Bamar Muslims’ are self−styled individuals having Islamic faith; they are conscious indigenous citizens and respect Myanmar customs. It is maintained that approximately 89% of the entire population of Myanmar is Buddhist, with 98% of the Burmese ethnic group following Buddhism. It is quite common that the term “Bamar” includes a religious implication, namely Buddhism, although it is occasionally used to refer to the Burmese “ethnic group” only. The concept of “Bamar” ethnicity, which includes both ethnic grouping and religious belief, is widespread throughout Myanmar society.

    In British Burma, there was an influx of Indian immigrants in the mid−19th century because of the new administrative system and economic development during the British colonial rule. Muslims currently living in Myanmar, including ‘Bamar Muslims’, are mostly descendants of Indian immigrants who migrated prior to, or during, the British colonial period. Most of these immigrants gained citizenship through naturalization and appeared to be integrated into the nation state.

    The claim of Bamar Muslims appeared during the British colonial period. Bamar Muslims wrote some books on their history in the 1930s, emphasizing that they are not Indians but ethnically Burmese. These history books describe their adoption of Burmese culture and customs, and good relationships between Bamar Muslims and the dynasties of Burma. In contrast, on the Census, they were categorized as ‘Zerbadi,’ whose father is Indian Muslim and mother is Burmese Buddhist. The Zerbadi community was recognised as the Indian Muslim community, and the Census reports show that Burmese people regarded Bamar Muslims as Indians or foreigners, not as Burmese. Moreover, in the 1930s, there was widespread discontent against Indians in Burmese society, so the Indians found the environment there uneasiness because of the social frustration directed at them.

    The voice of Bamar Muslims that they were indigenous Muslims and respected Myanmar’s culture first came to light during the 1920s and 1930s; this was a result of an interplay of various factors. The point of emphasis first appeared in history books written by Bamar Muslims themselves, in which they asserted their own identity. In addition, it is speculated that one of the reasons for the formation of the concept of ‘Bamar Muslims’ was the feeling of anxiety harboured by those who found themselves the targets of frustration and dissatisfaction, along with the feeling of disconnect between their self−consciousness and the way in which the surrounding society grouped and categorised them.

  • 人見 泰弘
    2008年 2008 巻 21 号 107-118
    発行日: 2008/07/20
    公開日: 2012/02/29
    ジャーナル フリー
    Comparing two groups of refugees and their asylum policies in Japan, this article challenges the claim that the spread of international human rights norm causes the expansion of rights for international migration. Based on the multilayered citizenship theory that posits boundaries between illegal migrants, temporary residents, permanent residents, second and first class nationals in an immigration policy, this study suggests the following. Refugees extracted concessions from the Japanese government through a legal path, while the government introduced a segmented residential rights scheme into the asylum policy in an attempt to limit the spread of the international human rights norm. Due to the automatic segmentation of the migration process, refugees have been forced to modify their migration strategies.
  • 大墻 敦
    2018年 68 巻 1 号 78-85
    発行日: 2018年
    公開日: 2018/02/28
    研究報告書・技術報告書 フリー
    2011年、全日本テレビ番組製作社連盟(ATP)が、テレビ番組の海外発信を強化することを目的に国際共同製作イベント“Tokyo Docs”を始めた。7年間で528の企画応募があり、160の企画がピッチングセッション(国際テレビ番組提案会議)にかけられた。ピッチングセッションとは、国内外の放送局の編成・制作担当者などの前で、日本のプロデューサーやディレクターが企画をプレゼンして国際共同製作の可能性を探る場である。ピッチされた160の企画趣旨を分析すると「社会問題」「人もの」が多く、日本の製作者たちが、人間を通じて世界に通じる普遍的なテーマを描こうとしている傾向があることがわかった。さらに、主に国内で撮影する企画が75%、と地の利を生かした企画が多いこともわかった。Tokyo Docs7年目の成果として「国際共同製作が実現」あるいは「交渉過程にあるもの」が42あり、およそ25%が海外発信力をもつ企画であった。当初目標の一つ「2020年までに20人の国際展開プロデューサーを育成する」は、若手を中心に意欲的な候補者が多数あらわれている状況で、今後の課題は、実戦経験を増やすことであること言われている。筆者は初回から毎回参加してきたが、Tokyo Docsが、日本の製作者の海外発信力を強化する場として、着実な成長過程にあると感じている。
  • 伊賀 司
    2017年 17 巻 1 号 73-102
    発行日: 2017/11/30
    公開日: 2017/12/13
    ジャーナル フリー

    This paper explores the politics of sexuality issues (sexuality politics) between the government and the LGBT movement in Malaysia since the 1980s. The Malaysian LGBT movement has faced repressive government policies and discrimination from society. However, some LGBT movements in the post-Mahathir era, such as Seksualiti Merdeka, Justice for Sisters, and Pelangi, have associated with the other NGOs and social movements and actively advocated the protection of LGBT people’s human rights in public spaces.

    This paper explores when and how sexuality politics between the state and the LGBT movement appeared in Malaysia. Four incidents or moments were found to be important for the birth of sexuality politics in Malaysia: Islamization since the 1980s, the Asian Values discourse during the Mahathir administration, the HIV/AIDS epidemic, and the sodomy court case of Anwar Ibrahim. In the post-Mahathir era, the state has introduced new ways of repressing LGBT people, while the LGBT movements have also adopted new strategies.

  • 日本オーラル・ヒストリー研究
    2016年 12 巻 5-
    発行日: 2016年
    公開日: 2018/12/28
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス