Cryptographic techniques are an important means by which security of information and info-communication networks is ensured. Yet it was not until the mid-2000s that the world's largest developer of standards, the International Organization for Standardization (ISO), issued ISO/IEC 18033 on encryption algorithms.
The purpose of this article is to explore a relatively understudied aspect of international standardization by focusing on demand for encryption standards. Drawing on the global governance literature, it argues that the demand for cryptographic standards may be generated not only to address the coordinating problem of technological compatibility but also to address the common problem of information security.
It is assumed that the demand for international cryptographic standards will be generated by the businesses, particularly those engaged in electronic commerce, as they are interested in enhancing the security of the network where they hold transactions. It is also assumed that on-line privacy advocates will support the standardization of encryption techniques. However, the commercial interests in cryptographic standardization may be in conflict with national security interests. Just as encryption technology can be used to protect financial information and personal data, it can be used to protect confidential information of foreign governments and other organizations. Therefore, spread of cryptographic techniques through standardization can be detrimental to national security activities.
Indeed, ISO's early attempt to establish encryption algorithm standard was frustrated by the objection raised by the US government, which was concerned with the standard's implication to national security. In the 1990s, however, the international business community began to pressure government hard to liberalize cryptographic use so that they could take full advantage of the commercial opportunities provided by the exponential growth to the Internet. The commercial interests succeeded in having its preferences reflected in the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) Guideline for Cryptographic Policy of 1997. The guideline, in turn, provided the ISO with an opportunity to launch once-prohibited standardization of encryption technology as it recommended the setting of standards for cryptographic methods at national and international levels. The ISO eventually produced ISO/IEC 18033 to promote the deployment of “state-of-the-art” encryption technology worldwide.
Standards and standardization are often dismissed as technological details in the study of International Relations. However, international standardization of encryption sheds light on the new security dilemma in the information age. Most important of all, the evolution of international cryptographic standards highlights the changing balance between national security and commercial interests in encryption.

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International treaties such as the 1992 Chemical Weapons Convention and the 1997 Mine Ban Treaty came into force after the end of the Cold War. Subsequently, the United Nations Programme of Action on Small Arms and the Fifth Protocol to the Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons were adopted in 2001 and 2003 respectively. Movements to form or strengthen international regimes have been increasingly visible over the last 10 years even in international security issue areas, where it is believed international cooperation is rarely achieved. Formations of these regimes seem to be related to each other. However, scant attention has been paid to the interactions among various international regimes. This article tries to assess how international regimes are changing and how new international regimes are established by focusing on the dynamic interactions among various international regimes on Conventional Weapons.
International regimes are not independent from each other. The members of the international regimes are constituted from among some 200 nationstates. Quite a few international NGOs are involved in more than one international regime at the same time. Considering the same representatives from those nation states and international NGOs attend a couple of different regime meetings on similar topics, it is natural that changes within one regime or the formation of a new international regime influences the other regimes. This article demonstrates that interactions among international regimes, especially among those on conventional weapons, have become much denser, after the formation of the Mine Ban Treaty in 1997. Inspired by the successful formation of the Mine Ban Treaty, some international NGOs as well as nation states are trying to apply the lessons learned from the treaty formation process, the so-called Ottawa Process, to other issue areas, while others are trying to prevent another Ottawa Process from happening.
This article tries to clarify how the balance between “national security” and “humanitarian consideration” in conventional governance has shifted, due to the interactions among international regimes. Also, this article shows that after the formation of the Mine Ban Treaty, the roles of international NGOs are growing increasingly important in regime formation processes as well as in regime implementation. Although it remains unclear if such a trend will continue, analyses focusing on interactions among international regimes seem viable understanding both changes and developments related to conventional weapons governance.

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経済安全保障推進法を受けて改正された省令及び通達により，2022年5月1日から，「特定類型」と呼ばれる3つの型のいずれかに該当する限り，国籍の如何を問わず，居住者であっても，かかる者に対する技術の提供は管理対象となった（みなし輸出の対象拡大）。これが我が国の大学等の研究機関に与える影響は甚大である。この点米国では，大学内で実施される基礎研究及び教育における技術情報の提供，またそれらを目的とした米国外への技術情報の移転は，輸出管理法の規制対象除外となっている。EUでは，EU域内で行われるものはそもそも管理対象とならないほか，また「基礎研究」の解釈が適切かどうかを判断するために，技術成熟度と産業界からの資金提供の普及度という2つの基準が用意され，明確度が高い。そもそも日本のみなし輸出規制は工業セクターための規制であるため，主に基礎研究を実施するアカデミア（大学等）に適用するには適していない。法律に設けられた例外措置が学術界一般を念頭においたものとはいえない以上，アカデミアセーフガードとしては不十分である。大学が管理徹底を研究者に求めることで，研究者の過度な自主規制などをも誘発してオーバーコンプライアンスに陥りかねない。経産省と文科省の協働により適切なアカデミアセーフガード条項を制度化するとともに，それを適格に運用する能力を持つ法務機能を充実させる必要がある。

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　デュアルユース技術研究への期待は，まずは防衛装備（とくに次世代戦闘機）の調達費削減と技術獲得，そして将来的な国際共同開発を見据えたバーゲニングパワー向上を求める防衛技術外交政策の中で促された．これに日本のソフトパワー向上を求める科学技術外交政策と産学官によるイノベーション志向の科学技術政策が加わることで，デュアルユース技術研究に取り組むことが大学にも期待されるようになった．科学技術外交戦略の議論では，その管理や倫理は内閣府によって検討対象外とされ，国際化・高度化・高額化する通常兵器の取得とデュアルユース技術研究のスピンオン・オフばかりが検討課題になった．デュアルユース技術研究への積極的支援は政権によらずに推進されていたことから，それが日本の政治家のあいだである程度一般的な認識になっていたか，あるいは何らかの外的影響によっていたと考えられる．

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