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  • 豊岡 康史
    史学雑誌
    2006年 115 巻 4 号 486-510
    発行日: 2006/04/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    This article examines the context in which the Qing Dynasty placed the relationship between the kingdom of Annam's Tay Son Dynasty and pirates during the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, in order to show how China legitimized its diplomatic policy when an existing tributary fell and a new one was established. After the Tay Son Dynasty was granted tributary status in 1789, the relationship between Annam and pirates was regarded as a problem by China; but for a number of reasons, the Qing Dynasty avoided bringing the problem to Annam's attention so as not to raise tension between the two kingdoms. However, when China recognized in 1801 that the Tay Son Dynasty was going to collapse, the Qing government accused Annam of instigating piracy in order to legitimize that fall. Then in 1802, when the king of the new Nguyen Dynasty petitioned for tributary status, China granted it on the grounds that Annam was cooperating in dealing with pirates. Within the process of such a policy change, the Qing Dynasty's emphasis on a failing Tay Son Dynasty's relations with pirates extended from actual fact, while in its dealings with the new Nguyen Dynasty, nothing but praise was lavished upon it in dealing with piracy. In both cases, the existence of pirates was used to legitimize China's attitude towards Annam; and from the related documentation, it should be concluded that such legitimization was solely a domestic matter within the Qing court, not diplomatic. Therefore, from the above process, China's basic policy of nonmilitary intervention in Vietnam after its unsuccessful attempt to do so in 1789 was consistent, but was legitimized for different reasons, and pronouncements regarding the intimate relationship that existed between Annam and pirates was none other than an attempt to legitimize diplomatic policy within the Qing court.
  • 佐野 智也, 外山 勝彦, 増田 知子
    デジタルアーカイブ学会誌
    2022年 6 巻 s3 号 s226-s229
    発行日: 2022年
    公開日: 2022/11/02
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
    J-STAGE Data

    「日本研究のための歴史情報」プロジェクトでは、明治以降の近代法体系に基づく全法令のオープンデータベースシステムの構築を目指している。その最初の作業として、日本国憲法施行以前の法律と勅令のデータベース化に取り組んでいる。日本政府の「e-Gov法令検索」は、データ利活用の観点から、法令標準XMLスキーマに従った現行法令のデータを提供している。本プロジェクトでも、共通規格として、このスキーマに準拠する方針である。しかし、このスキーマは、その策定時(2017年)において有効な法令の文書構造を記述できるように設計されたため、日本国憲法施行以前の法律や勅令に適合することは担保されていない。本報告は、明治19年から大正10年までの法律・勅令の文書構造を分析した結果をもとに、法令標準XMLスキーマに対して追加・変更が必要な事項と、同スキーマが対象としていない

    上諭
    の構造化に必要な事項を示す。

  • 千葉 正史
    史学雑誌
    1999年 108 巻 1 号 65-92,153-152
    発行日: 1999/01/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    The pupose of this paper is look at the events surrounding the Yihetuan 義和団 Incident in the light of the communications revolution touched off by the invention of the telegraph during the late Qing period and consider the overall political transformation brought about by this technological breakthrough. During the Yihetuan Incident, communication between the capital and the provinces became very difficult due to the destruction of the telegraph lines around Beijing by the Yihetuan. The speedy transmission of information had taken on utmost importance: for example, in the conclusion of a mutual defense agreement between the southern provinces and foreigh countries, there was fear of contradictions arising from the central government already having declared war on them. This possible conflict of interest was easily dissolved by telegraph messages sent from Baoding 保定 via Shangi 山西. Just after this event, the Yihetuan began to tear down telegraph lines in Shangxi, thus pushing the Qing empire to verge of destruction. During the occupation of Beijing by the allied forces of the eight world powers, the telegraph network was put under their control. Under this state of affairs, the lack of telegraph facilities for communication concerning peace ne-
  • 中村 哲夫
    史学雑誌
    1998年 107 巻 1 号 38-55
    発行日: 1998/01/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    This paper focuses on the role of Sheng Xuanhuai 盛宣懐 in the complex political changes under the Guang Xu (光緒) Political Reform after the Sino-Japanese War in 1895. It is populary understood that the Political Reform movement was broken down by the refusal of Empresses Dowager, who after the Boxer Uprising changed its conservative policy and agreed to take an unyielding stand against the foreign powers. The general view is based on the mistaken idea that there was no effort made at institutional reform during the two years following the "Hundred Days" of 1898. Political reform during the late Qing period began with a plan to modernize its military forces, which had been defeated by Japan. The edict of 1895, which required the reconstitution of tariffs, was the most important policy for the fiscal reconstruction of the central government. In order to change the tariff rate and increase revenue, diplomatic negotiations to revise the commercial treaty (Treaty of Tientsin, 1858) were begun in the fall of 1899. Then, as the Boxer Uprising broke out in North China, Sheng Xuanhuai took a part in diplomatic negotiations to maintain safety in Yangzu and South-east coast of China. These negotiations prepared the international protocol of 1901 and the Mackay Treaty, which revised tariff rates. It is the conventional understanding that the Guang Xu Political Reform was suddenly started in 1901; however, the analysis in this paper shows that Sheng Xuanhuai, who had contacted Wang Wenshao (王文韶), carefully presented the plan of Political Reform. Especially, it attracts our attention that Sheng Xuanhuai's telegram letter (30th Dec, 1900) to Wang Wenshao used the special term 'composing reform plans' one month earlier than the edict of Guang Xu Political Reform, and became a key term of the Guang Xu Political Reform from 1901. The author shows that Sheng Xuanhuai proposed the establishment of an administrator for commerce.
  • 山本 進
    史学雑誌
    1989年 98 巻 7 号 1187-1218,1328-
    発行日: 1989/07/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
    During the mid-Qin period in China local economies were becoming independent in some provinces by the development of interlocal divisions of labour. In this article the author examines the economic policies of the central government in response to such economic decentralisation. The province of 四川, as well as 湖南, had played the role of rice-suppliers in the imperial market. While both 湖南 and 四川 continuously increased their rice-production, 四川 simultaneously introduced the cotton industry into its area. The rapid flourishing of this industry lead to the inter-related structure between agriculture and handicraft industry, and divisions of labour within 四川 emerged. Hence we can identify a tendency of the 四川 market-area to become independent from the imperial one. The responses of the central government to 四川 in terms of the provisioning of rice and monetary policy were as follows. As for the rice policies of the state, 委員採買, by which officials were sent to buy rice, was continued. In addition, 招商採買 (the purchase of rice by entrusted private merchants) was newly adopted. As a result, it gradually became unnecessary to store rice in a state warehouse, and after the reign of 嘉慶 the amount of rice in storage sharply decreased. By contrast only in 四川 did the amount increased. In terms of monetary policy, the central government ordered the large scale recall of 小銭 (a small copper coin of low denomination), and the prohibition of private coinage. While we observe that the 小銭 have been in wide de facto circulation as a local currency since mid-乾隆, 制銭 (specie, a copper coin) circulated again and for a relatively long time in 四川. In conclusion the Qin government acknowledged that the imperial economy had been established, and commenced 招商採買 by making full use of merchants. But the government would not permit local economies to become independent from the imperial one (e.g. the suppression of the 小銭 as a local currency). In 四川, the province which showed the strongest tendency to become independent, the policy of reinforcing the rice provision and of standardizing the currency were most strictly enforced. Thus 四川 province in the mid-Qin period was an arena of confrontation between of the local economic independence and economic re-integration by the state.
  • 井上 諭, 瀬戸山 春輝, 羽染 武則
    騒音制御
    2004年 28 巻 3 号 193-197
    発行日: 2004/06/01
    公開日: 2009/10/06
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 殷 晴
    史学雑誌
    2021年 130 巻 10 号 59-83
    発行日: 2021年
    公開日: 2022/10/20
    ジャーナル フリー
    本稿では第二次アヘン戦争において、清朝政府がどのように相手国の情報を収集し、どのように軍事行動と対外交渉に関する情報を官僚そして一般民衆に知らせたのかを考察した。清朝政府の第二次アヘン戦争における情報伝達は、1840年代以来の対外情報の収集・共有・公表のあり方を継承したものであり、従来の仕組みの問題点を露呈させることにもなった。
    清朝政府における情報の取り扱いは事実上、内政と外政で分けられていた。外政、とりわけ欧米諸国に関する情報は基本的には一律に機密扱いとされており、密奏―廷寄の形で、清朝中央と現場担当者の間のみに共有されていた。アロー号事件の発生から広州陥落までの一年間、清朝中央が広東巡撫葉名琛からの誤報と虚報にミスリードされ続けていたことが示すように、このような対外情報の共有・公表の仕組みは、虚偽情報の発見を困難にしていた。
    天津条約をめぐって、清朝中央は交渉の進行と条約の締結を一般民衆に公表せず、中枢外の官僚にも詳細な情報を与えなかった。一方、不確かなものも含む断片的な情報が非公式なルートを通じて官界に広がり、清朝官僚の混乱と不安を引き起こした。
    対外政策を明発
    上諭
    の形で発表せず、西洋諸国に関する上奏文を邸報に掲載しない方針は、中国における欧米人の存在を抹消することに等しかったため、イギリス側の不満を招いた。天津条約の全文を中国人に広め、条約の公刊と掲示を北京条約に明記し撤兵の条件としたことは、イギリスが公表という手続きを強制的に実行させるための措置であると同時に、自らの存在を誇示するための手段でもあった。
    一方、イギリス人の新聞で公開された情報が、清朝政府の収集対象となった。戦争を経て、新聞から収集された連合軍情報の正確さが判明し、それ以降、英字新聞の収集と分析が外政に携わる官僚の通常業務とされるようになった。その結果、対外情報も公開されうるという考え方が、抵抗を受けながらも、清朝の官僚と知識人の間に徐々に浸透していった。
  • 城地 孝
    史学雑誌
    2011年 120 巻 3 号 293-327
    発行日: 2011/03/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    During the third month of the 30^<th> year (1551) of the Jiajing Era (1522-1556), the Ming government decided to offer a trade agreement to the Mongols led by 1tan Khan, which would set up markets (mashi 馬市) where Mongolian horses would be traded for valuable Chinese commodities. This paper explores the political history of the late phase of the Era through an analysis of the decisionmaking process leading up to the Ming government recognizing trade with Altan Khan, while continuing to refuse a long-standing demand to grant the Mongols tributary status. The research to date on the political situation at the time understands it as a period of political stagnation attributed to Emperor Shizong's withdrawal from governmental affairs and incompetence on the part of Yan Song, senior officer of the Grand Secretariat. Moreover, recent attempts to reexamine the situation have still not been able to produce a complete picture of what exactly was happening on the contemporary political scene in concrete terms. The opportunity to offer the trade agreement was furnished ironically by Shizong's increasing desire to conduct a military campaign against Altan Khan. During the eighth month of 1550, after Altan's army had surrounded Beijing (the so-called Gengxuzhibian 庚戌之変) in protest of being refused tributary status, Shizong ordered that plans be drawn up for a punitive expedition against the Mongols. Although such a campaign was clearly unrealistic, Yan Song, other central bureaucrats, and the supreme commander and grand coordinator of the northern region went through the motions out of respect to Shizong's will, but in reality took every action possible to avoid such a campaign. While respect was shown for Shizong's refutation of tribute relations with the Mongols as an attitude consistent with the ideology supporting the traditional Chinese world order, attempts to satisfy the Mongols' material demands by means other than "tributary trade" and thus pacify the unrest threatening China's borders gave birth to the idea of a mashi trade arrangement. The idea caused virulent opposition from government officials outraged by such a display of impudence towards the will of the emperor, but as the debate raged on, the proponents after several attempts finally persuaded Shizong, and a decision was reached to set up the mashi trade. However, due to such factors as Shizong's obstinate attitude and the fiscal situation on the ground, it became impossible to generate a scale of trade sufficient to satisfy Mongol demand, leading to an escalation of Mongol attacks. Consequently, after it became apparent that the hopes of Yan Song and his cohorts were unattainable, the mashi trade agreement was ended in the ninth month of 1522. From his investigation of this turn of events, the author concludes that the political history of the Jiajing Era should be placed in the context of a group of policy makers confronted with an emperor's stubborn espousal ideals in no way reflecting reality and thus trying to bring the situation into a soft landing by navigating for areas of compromise linking political ideals with present reality.
  • 柳澤 明
    史学雑誌
    1993年 102 巻 3 号 369-403,488-48
    発行日: 1993/03/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
    From Yongzheng 10 (1732) to 12 (1734), the Qing government removed some ethnic groups-the Solons, Dahurs and others from Butha in Heilongjiang and the New Barga from Khalka-to the Hulun-beir region and organized the "eight banners". Although very few historical studies have ever been made on the establishment of the eight banners of Hulunbeir, we can find plenty of materials for this purpose in the Manchu archival documents stored at the Number 1 Historical Archives in Beijing. This fact proves that the Manchus attached importance to this matter. The aim of the present paper is to cast new light on the process of the migration, and the reasons why the Qing government created the eight banners of the migrants, giving special attention to the New Barga who were picked out from among the Khalkhas. What urged the Manchus to plan the removal of the Barga from Khalka to Hulun-beir was the escape of thousands of Barga belonging to one of the qosiru in Setsen Khan Aimak into the Russian territory in Yongzheng 8 (1730). The motive of their escape was to get free of the discriminatively heavy taxes which they were burdened with by their Khalkha ruler (jasar) to pay for assisting the Qing army to carry out the war against the Dzungars. The Manchus, therefore, attempted to prevent any further commotion by separating them from the Khalkha rulers. Although the plan met with some resistance from Khalkha rulers, through various preserving maneuvers, at last the Manchus successfully removed more than 3,000 Barga families in Yongzheng 12. The reasons why the Qing government adopted the eight banner system in ruling them were 1)to dissolve the old feudalistic social organization, for under the eight banner system there were no nobles who would burden the common people with private taxes; 2)to guarantee their living, for according to Qing's rule, the people under the eight banner system would be supported at public expense. Through the above investigation of the New Barga, a foundation has been built for further research on the other groups that were organized into the eight banner system in Manchuria and Mongolia (the so-called New Manchus, the Chakhars, etc.) after the Qing dynasty's conquest of China.
  • 河野 敦史
    内陸アジア史研究
    2014年 29 巻 111-133
    発行日: 2014/03/31
    公開日: 2017/10/10
    ジャーナル フリー
    In its administration of Huibu, present south Xinjiang, the Qing adopted the Beg system, which involved appointment of an influential Turkic Muslim as a bureaucrat to carry out indirect rule. The Kashgar Khwaja family, descendants of Makhdum-i A'zam, launched repeated campaigns into Huibu from the 1820s to the 1850s in order to recover the territory that had formerly been theirs. This article examines the defense organized by the Begs in Kashgar against the campaign of "the Seven Khwajas." The study shows that with the support of Qing troops under the command of Zuhur al-Din, the Hakim Beg at Kashgar, the Begs led by the Turfan junwang family took countermeasures against the Khwaja family, which had a strong influence on this area. This was done by mobilizing Turkic Muslim troops, the Begs' own military power, and gaining the cooperation of the Akhunds, an anti-Khwaja family. However, the Begs failed in their defense. Their actions were limited. The author argues that the defensive action of the Begs played only a secondary role in the broader defensive strategy of the Qing.
  • 地学雑誌
    1905年 17 巻 5 号 364
    発行日: 1905/05/15
    公開日: 2010/12/22
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 閻 立
    大阪経大論集
    2021年 72 巻 6 号 47-62
    発行日: 2021年
    公開日: 2022/03/26
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 藤田 正
    法制史研究
    2001年 2001 巻 51 号 218-223
    発行日: 2002/03/30
    公開日: 2009/11/16
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 孫 浩洵, 外間 みどり
    沖縄史料編集紀要
    2020年 43 巻 55-65
    発行日: 2020/03/19
    公開日: 2022/10/24
    研究報告書・技術報告書 オープンアクセス
  • 滋賀 秀三
    法制史研究
    1989年 1989 巻 39 号 334-335
    発行日: 1990/03/30
    公開日: 2009/11/16
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 昼間 勝
    燃料協会誌
    1978年 57 巻 5 号 336-345
    発行日: 1978/05/20
    公開日: 2010/06/28
    ジャーナル フリー
    In relation to engine combustion characteristics, i. e., mainly the backfire, pre-ignition and a sudden increase in the pressure around stoichiometric mixture, the engine performance and NOx in the exhaust gas as well as the results obtained by varying hydrogen supply methods by means of pre-mixture spark ignition, injection spark ignition and diesel method, etc. are described.
  • 北村 達也, 篠本 尚輝, 今村 かほる, 岩城 裕之
    日本語教育方法研究会誌
    2016年 23 巻 1 号 32-33
    発行日: 2016年
    公開日: 2016/12/22
    研究報告書・技術報告書 フリー
    When non-native clinical nurses and care workers provide care to native Japanese speakers, the use of dialect words denoting human body parts and physical symptoms might create communication barriers between them. We have thus developed a system that indicates dialect words corresponding to body parts on PCs and tablets. The system displays an illustration of the head and entire body (front and back sides); dialect words pop up and corresponding speech sounds play when a user clicks or taps on a body part. This system will help both non-native workers and native Japanese people who are unfamiliar with the dialect.
  • 高遠 拓児
    史学雑誌
    2001年 110 巻 6 号 1183-1205,1321-
    発行日: 2001/06/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 藤田 茂, 田中 高史
    日本物理学会講演概要集
    2009年 64.1.2 巻 27pSA-9
    発行日: 2009/03/03
    公開日: 2018/02/15
    会議録・要旨集 フリー
  • 片岡 龍峰, 草野 完也, 塩田 大幸, 井上 諭
    日本物理学会講演概要集
    2009年 64.1.2 巻 27pSA-8
    発行日: 2009/03/03
    公開日: 2018/02/15
    会議録・要旨集 フリー
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