現行ロシア連邦憲法下の選挙制度の変化の概要について，発足時から現在に至るまで，選挙法の改正を中心に解説する。ロシア連邦のの選挙制度は，小選挙区比例代表並立制から純粋比例代表制へと代わり，次の2016年12月に予定されている選挙から再び小選挙区比例代表制に戻ることになっている。

抄録全体を表示

イギリスでは近年，選挙区割りについての研究が発展している。とりわけジョンストン，パティー，ドーリング，ロシター（Johnston, Pattie, Dorling & Rossiter, 2001）が提起した選挙区割りの分析の枠組みは画期的であった。この枠組みは国会や地方議会の選挙区割りに適用されている。このような研究の発展の背景にイギリス政治およびイギリス政治学の展開がある。現実の政治の側面で重要なのは，イギリス政治の多党化によって小選挙区制の不公平性についての認識が広まったことである。政治学の側面で重要なのは，イギリスの選挙研究に特徴的な選挙地理学の影響である。選挙区割りの研究の発展はイギリスの政治や政治学の現状を如実に反映しているわけである。このように，イギリスの選挙区割りの研究を理解することを通して，イギリス政治やイギリス政治学への理解を深めることができる。

抄録全体を表示

ジェンダー・クオータの一種である法律型候補者クオータがラテンアメリカに導入されて久しいが、2000～10年代にみられた後発国による導入と以前からの導入国による改革の動き、また、2000年代終わり頃からみられ始めているパリティ（男女同数）をめざす動きは、実際の女性議員の比率にどのような影響を与えているのであろうか。この問いについて考察するため、本稿ではラテンアメリカにおける法律型候補者クオータと女性

議員比率との関係、ならびに、女性閣僚比率と女性議員比率との関係を中心に検討した。そして、パリティをめざすべくクオータを引き上げた場合や候補者擁立・順位規定を厳格にしている場合には、従来は同規定の適用が難しいとされてきた非拘束名簿式比例代表制や小選挙区比例代表並立制・併用制を採用している国でも女性議員の比率が高まることと、国によっては議会で政治経験を積んだ女性政治家が閣僚に就任するという新たなパターンが生まれてきていることを指摘した。

抄録全体を表示

This article attempts to analyzes the issue of amendment of the civil retirement law in the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, which, as of 2011, is yet to be settled, to examine the issue of consensus making among the ruling elite in Jordan. It traces political development of the law over the course of two parliaments―the 16^th parliament and the 17^th parliament. It argues that, when parliamentarians were structurally urged to pursue their self-interests, the King had no choice but to take the political risk of choosing to distribute the national wealth, under the democratization process which the monarch initiates. The study’s findings are twofold: First, that pro-regime parliamentarians side with the ruling establishment in the case of controlling oppositions, but tend to deviate when it comes to national wealth distribution. Second, consensus making is fundamentally difficult in Jordan’s current institutional setting. This study implies the importance of in-depth research on the interactions of the ruling elite with focus on the legislative process for deeper understanding of contemporary Jordanian regime. In addition, this study implies that the Jordanian king functions as a representative of national interests in the legislative process, which would contribute for elucidating the role of a king in the contemporary era.

抄録全体を表示

この報告は文化財としての写真の重要性と, 写真が学術研究や文化財保存に対して果たすことのできる役割等について, 東京大学史料編纂所所蔵ガラス乾板の保存とデジタル技術による復元プロジェクトを実例に論じるものである.

抄録全体を表示

オープンアクセスの歴史的経緯を中心に，その背景と論争点を明らかにした。オープンアクセスの運動は商業出版社の寡占化と学術雑誌価格高騰に対抗する対策として出現した。オープンアクセスには投稿料モデルに立脚したBioMed CentralやPublic Library of Scienceのようなオープンアクセス雑誌の発行と，他の学術雑誌に発行された論文を大学や研究所のサイトで公開する機関レポジトリの2種類がある。前者については最近商業出版社その他でOpen Access Optionとして追随する動きがある。後者は技術的にはOpen Access Initiativeを基礎としている。最近，英国の科学技術委員会，米国歳出委員会が相次いで機関レポジトリを推進する勧告を出したことにより，この運動は新しい段階に入った。米国歳出委員会は米国国立衛生研究所（NIH）が資金援助した研究の成果物を国立医学図書館（NLM）のPubMed Centralに搭載することを勧告している。

抄録全体を表示

This essay explores the Jordanian Muslim Brothers(JMB)' activities in legislative politics. Since the mid 1940s, JMB has enjoyed popularity among Jordanians as a state-authorized social and missionary association. JMB, not only became the largest Islamist organization in Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, but also gained political power through the struggle against the anti-state movements led by the leftists and the pan-Arab activists from the late 1950s to the 1970s. JMB has deeply committed to legislative politics since the break through 1989 lower house elections, to promote its Islamic concept and methodology in political sphere. In the first stage, JMB enjoyed its strong position as vanguard of Islam in the lower house, sole legislature chosen by Jordanians. Contrary to its radical discourses concerning domestic and foreign policies, JMB has shown its flexibility in the lower house. For example, during the Persian Gulf Crisis, though JMB mobilized masses and organized a pro-Iraqi bloc in the lower house, it joined the cabinet for national unity. However, the organization has been involved in the great debates and structural transformation in the lower house since the early 1990s. Thus, the domestic and international political processes and social movements in Jordan that changed arguments in the lower house will closely be scrutinized. Peace negotiations with Israel were the main cause. Because JMB used to criticize Israel as Zionist enemy, the government's normalization policy toward Israel made JMB irritated. Thus, JMB formed an anti-normalization group in the lower house, and often criticized the government. Regarding those issues above, JMB has had inner and outer problems. First, JMB experienced political dichotomy inside in the mid 1990s. Despite its strong position as Islamist group in the lower house, JMB felt ambiguity whether or not cooperate with the government that sought to reach a peace agreement with Israel. Moreover, its experiences in the lower house confirmed that JMB did not represent a homogenous framework from ideological or political standpoints. JMB conservatives claimed its withdrawal from the lower house, however, the liberals preferred to stay in legislative politics. Not long after, JMB met powerful challenge from its political branch, Islamic Action Front Party (IAFP). IAFP gradually acquired its own voice, and then challenged JMB's authority. In 1997, finally, JMB and IAFP crashed over their participation in the 1997 lower-house elections. Secondly, I attempt to clarify the complicated relationship between the government and JMB (IAFP) in the lower house, in regard to state in society discipline. I also attempt to clarify why the relation between the government and JMB (IAFP) became so deteriorated, and why the government took series of actions which continuously worsened relations with JMB and IAFP, key actors in the lower house. And there were seeds of trouble not only with the peace process but also in debates on "democratization." JMB and IAFP strongly opposed to a series of attempts by the government to inactivate the lower house's role. Moreover, I will examine political backgrounds in Jordan. In this argument, there has been a serious dichotomy among urban and local since the 1993 elections.

抄録全体を表示

カナダとオーストラリアは英連邦内の2大国で、その類似性故に格好の2国間比較の研究対象となる。両国ともにイギリスを真似た議院内閣制とアメリカから学んだ連邦制の組合せを政治機構の骨子とするが、実は2つの政治的原則は相容れず根本的な矛盾が内包されていることが指摘される。地方・州の利益を中央で反映させるべく設けられた上院がその矛盾を理解するためのよい材料となる。政府が議会の信任に基づいて統治に当たる責任政府の下では、議院は選挙で選ばれ、1議員がほぼ同数の人民を代表し、多数決の原理で国の政治は進行する。他方、連邦制の原理を採り入れた上院では、地方・州を国の構成単位と見なし「人口に基づく代表」の原則に従わない。2議院制でしかも上院が選挙で選ばれると、政府がどちらかの院に責任を負うのか不明確になる。斯くして、金銭に関する法案を拒否する権限さえ与えられた豪上院は、1975年に総督が首相を罷免するという政治的大事件を引き起こした。カナダでも長く眠っていた「任命された」上院が最近に対して牙を剥くようになり、昨年G.S.T.(消費税)法案の通過をめぐって喧騒を巻き起こしたし、今年になって中絶法案を葬っている。現実には上院が州・地方の利益を代表してと対立しているのではなく、政党間の対立が問題を複雑化させている。野党が上院で過半数を占めたら、上院を政党政治の第2ラウンドの舞台として利用するのである。上院に余り力をつけさせると責任政府の原則が覆されるし、かといって連邦制を効果的に運用するためには上院の本来の目的に沿っての活性化は不可避である。本稿では何かしらその矛盾から抜け出す秘法を提示するわけではないけれども、上院の抱えた本質的矛盾をよく認識した上でないと実のある上院改革は一向に進展しないことを明らかにする。

抄録全体を表示

The study deals with 5-axis control tool path generation for side-milling cutters in the light of making use of 5-axis control machining centers having the potential of machining with high efficiency and accuracy. Concerning 5-axis control machining, there are two ways of using cutting edges; one is to use the top part such as ball-end mill and the other the side part described in the study. Most of 5-axis control machining is probably carried out by the former, however, there are some cases where the latter exerts the validity. In the study, the system developed enables the collision-free tool path generation for side-milling cutters which is transformed to actual 5-axis control NC data, taking account of the structure of 5-axis control machining centers. The validity of the system is experimentally confirmed.

抄録全体を表示

Can we interpret the result of the 2014 general elections in India as the re-emergence of Hindu nationalism? If we can, does this mean that the majority support exclusive nationalism that is propagated by Hindu nationalists? In this article, in order to answer these questions, I analyze elector’s voting behavior at national, state, and village levels.
At the national level, the election issues were the mal-governance of the incumbent UPA government as exemplified by stagflation and corruption, and the exalted hope in the capacity of Narendra Modi’s decisive leadership to solve these economic difficulties. In this election, the lower strata of society, that is, the Lower Backward Castes and Scheduled Castes, who were not traditional supporters of the BJP, voted for Narendra Modi’s BJP. In this sense, the BJP succeeded in consolidating the long-awaited “Hindu vote” in a loose way. This does not necessarily mean that the “Hindu vote” supports the exclusive Hindu nationalism that was expressed during the 2002 Gujarat carnage. However, they did implicitly endorse the political decision that Modi took at that time.
In Bihar, which the BJP has been eager to capture for a long time but had failed to do so, the BJP and its alliance won the election. On analysis, the voting behavior in the state shows the same trend as at the national level. Considering the good reputation of the incumbent JD(U) state government, this result may reflect strategic voting behavior in which many voters took account of the national elections. However, we can observe that the “Hindu vote” is loosely taking shape in Bihar, also.
Lastly, at the village level, the BJP could not win in the constituency where I conducted my fieldwork. However, the BJP candidate did succeed in getting a considerable number of votes. In a Yadav dominated village, most Yadavs supported the RJD, which is known as the Yadav’s party, and the Scheduled Castes supported the JD(U) government. However, among stubborn supporters of the RJD, there were some who held out strong hopes for Modi. Their main concerns are economic issues, not the exclusion of minorities.
In conclusion, BJP’s victory represents the aspiration of voters for economic betterment. On the other hand, the political responsibility for the 2002 Gujarat carnage has become a thing of the past. The present Modi BJP government does not seem interested in instigating religious violence to consolidate their power. However, if they fail to meet voters’ aspirations, the danger of a violent exclusion of the minority is ever-present as Hindu nationalists have vigorously conducted an anti-Muslim campaign since Modi seized power.

抄録全体を表示