詳細検索結果
以下の条件での結果を表示する:
全文: "中国" "核実験"
515件中 1-20の結果を表示しています
  • 辻 優
    世界法年報
    1999年 1999 巻 18 号 37-65
    発行日: 1999/03/20
    公開日: 2011/02/07
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 西連寺 大樹
    国際政治
    2004年 2004 巻 136 号 3-17,L5
    発行日: 2004/03/29
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    Generally speaking, Japan's disarmament policy is twofold. The one is “heiwa kokka”, that is to say as the only country to have suffered atomic bombings Japan keeps the Three Non-Nuclear Principals (not to manufacture, possess, or allow the importation into Japan of nuclear weapons). The other is that Japan's security is dependent on American nuclear deterrent. But, it isn't evident that those factors affected Japan's policy on the nuclear test ban problem immediately after Japan became a member of the United Nations. The aim of this article is to describe the process of Japan's policy on the nuclear test ban problem. Firstly, this article examines how Japanese standpoints of “heiwa kokka” and security were in connection with Japan's policy on the nuclear test ban problem. Secondly, as a case study the policy process of the 12th and 14th General Assembly of United Nations is examined. Finally, this article briefly refers to Japanese attitude toward the partial nuclear test ban treaty.
    Because of an aversion to nuclear weapons in the aftermath of Hiroshima, Nagasaki, and the Bikini incident, the Japanese had protested the nuclear tests of United States, Great Britain, and the Soviet Union. The Japanese government had also protested the nuclear tests of three nuclear powers. But it was not to promote nuclear disarmament but to prevent the Japanese people's feeling from changing anti-nuclear weapon into anti-western nations. That was the reality of “heiwa kokka”. Because the Japanese government had little realization that Japan had been exposed to the military threat of China and Soviet, the utility of American nuclear deterrent had not been discussed in Japan. For that reason the Japanese government could introduce the non-nuclear principals and carried out protest against three nuclear powers without taking account of Japan's security.
    At the 12th General Assembly of United Nations, the Japanese government proposed the draft resolution of suspension of nuclear tests. That was not to cope with public opinion but to seek higher status in international society from an independent position, because the Japanese government realized that the issue of nuclear weapons tests was increasing in significance for Japan's diplomacy. When the Japanese resolution was rejected, the attempt of the Japanese government to exercise leadership in the nuclear test ban problem came to an end.
    At the 14th General Assembly of United Nations, the Japanese government was in favor of both the resolution of Asia-Africa nations against French nuclear test and Indian resolution. It was because the Japanese Government was afraid of the risk of damaging the credibility of Japanese diplomacy caused by their retreating from their past anti-nuclear weapons tests stance, that they voted for the resolutions. In other words, it was a measure for consulting domestic and international opinion. From the same point of view, the Japanese government signed the partial nuclear test ban treaty.
  • 河合 広, 本田 嘉秀, 森嶋 弥重, 古賀 妙子, 木村 雄一郎, 西脇 安
    保健物理
    1968年 3 巻 2 号 273-279
    発行日: 1968年
    公開日: 2010/03/15
    ジャーナル フリー
    We have observed properties of radioactive fallout originated from the first, the second, the third, the fourth and the fifth Chinese nuclear explosions. The differences in gross beta-activities, activities per unit volume and their particle sizes of highly radioactive particles are discussed with relation to the differences in burst conditions among the five explosions from which they originated.
    It was found that radioactivities of the highly radioactive particles were roughly proportional to their volumes. The differences in the radioactive decay rates of highly radioactive fallout particles were found in connection with their colors.
    From the results of decay characteristics of gross beta-activities and γ-ray spectra of fallout samples, it was found that the contribution of radioactivities of 239Np in samples from the fifth Chinese explosion was larger than that from the third Chinese explosion.
    In comparison between the γ-ray spectra of highly radioactive fallout particles from the third and the fifth Chinese explosions, the particles from the third Chinese explosion were enriched in 95Zr+95Nb and impoverished in 103Ru, while on the particles from the fifth Chinese explosion, the reverse of phenomenon above mentioned was observed.
  • 森重 敏子
    日本衛生学雑誌
    1968年 23 巻 2 号 219-224
    発行日: 1968/06/30
    公開日: 2009/09/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    Since 1961, the area of Fukuoka City as well as other areas of Japan has been polluted by radioactive fallout brought about mainly by the fission and fusion bomb test in Red China. In this area periodic measurements of radioactive fallout deposits were measured on the Standard Diet proposed by the Department of Welfare in Japan. In addition measurements were taken on several kind of vegetables (well washed), dairies, row milk, short necked clam and the Tapes Philippiarium. Results obtained from these surveys are as follows:
    1) The level of radioactivity of the fallout deposited on the vegetables resulting from the 1st, 2nd and 5th tests of the atmic bomb in Red China increased remarkably from 10 times to 200. This is much higher than that of the usual amount of fallout on vegetables. Especially noted was that a somewhat higher level of radioactivity than normal level was maintained for several months during the time of the 5th test.
    2) Increase and decrease of radioactivity on seasonal vegetables fluctuated approximately with those of the radioactive fallout deposited on the vegetables. The level of radioactivity on the vegetables increased sharply from normal level measured on them after the test.
    3) Although radioactivity level on the vegetables had increased from the usual level, the level measured on dairy and row milk did not fluctuate remarkably during the test.
    4) The degree of radioactivity in the short necked clam with shell removed fluctuated considerably more than the usual level, eg. 0.5 to 38.9. However there was no evidence of increase of radioactivity in the clam after the test.
    5) The degree of radioactivity in the Standard Diet in Japan increased slightly in 1967 compared to that of former years.
    6) Giant particles of radioactive fallout precipitated on spinach just after the fifth test of the Atomic Bomb in Red China were discovered by means of autoradiography. Removal of these particles could not be completely successfully accomplished with a soapless soap.
  • 小出 五郎
    開発工学
    1994年 13 巻 2 号 27-32
    発行日: 1994/08/15
    公開日: 2010/09/09
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 植田 隆子
    国際政治
    1989年 1989 巻 90 号 120-138,L15
    発行日: 1989/03/30
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    This paper focuses on the interaction between US-Soviet bilateral negotiations on nuclear testing and multilateral consultation of the Conference on Disarmament on the comprehensive test ban from 1986 to 1988. It aims at clarifying the possibilities and limitations of the multilateral disarmament forum.
    A comprehensive test ban is one of the central issues of arms control and disarmament, and has been under discussion since the 1950's. A comprehensive test ban is said to be an effective measure to prevent vertical and horizontal nuclear proliferation. As nuclear testing is inseparable from the global strategy of every country possessing nuclear weapons, a comprehensive test ban is a highly controversial issue as well. Although a comprehensive test ban has a “general or indirect” effect on the arms race, many non-nuclear states have made it their goal.
    The Conference on Disarmament, a “single multilateral disarmament negotiating forum, ” and its predecessors have examined a comprehensive test ban. In the 1982 and 1983 sessions, they established an Ad Hoc Committee, a subsidiary body, but substantial negotiations for a draft treaty have not yet begun, although negotiations on the convention for a chemical weapons ban is already in progress. The Conference on Disarmament is the best organ to negotiate the treaty of a comprehensive test ban because its expertise on verification. The Conference on Disarmament has studied the technical problems of verification, especially by establishing the Ad Hoc Group of Scientific Experts to Consider International Cooperative Measures to Detect and Identify Seismic Events since in 1976. Also, the conference is best able to address the multi-lateral aspects of compliance with a test ban.
    The existing treaties on nuclear testing, such as the Partial Test Ban Treaty of 1963, the US-USSR Threshold Test Ban Treaty of 1974, and the Peaceful Nuclear Explosions Treaty of 1976, were drafted through trilateral or bilateral negotiations. From 1977 to 1980, the United States, the United Kingdom and the Soviet Union negotiated a comprehensive test ban, but they failed to come to an agreement mainly because of discord on verification.
    Since November 1987, the United States and the Soviet Union have opened “full-scale, stage-by-stage” negotiations on nuclear testing. In the first step of these negotiations, the two sides are pursuing effective verification measures which will make it possible to ratify the TTBT and the PNET. The object of the second step is “intermediate limitations on nuclear testing, ” which would lead to “the ultimate objective of the complete cessation of nuclear testing.” In August and September 1988, the two sides conducted Joint Verification Experiments at each other's test sites in order to develop effective verification measures.
    The nuclear testing issue has been “the litmus test” for the two superpowers' “seriousness” about arms control and disarmament, and a comprehensive test ban has also been regarded as “the price that will have to be paid to assure continued adherence to the NPT.” As the United States and the Soviet Union agreed to pursue the long-range goal of a comprehensive test ban, this approach is expected to activate the multilateral forum, the Conference on Disarmament.
  • 樋口 敏広
    国際政治
    2011年 2011 巻 163 号 163_28-40
    発行日: 2011/01/20
    公開日: 2013/05/10
    ジャーナル フリー
    In the 1950s, as the Cold War set in and nuclear arms race accelerated apace, the worldwide contamination by radioactive fallout from nuclear tests triggered a fierce controversy. The Eisenhower administration, whose pursuit of national security through nuclear superiority led to the production of environmental insecurity, sought to contain the latter through environmental monitoring and risk evaluation. Informed by the sociological theory of risk, this article interrogates Cold War America's nexus of scientific knowledge and political power that underpinned this first global environmental crisis of the Cold War.
    At the heart of the controversy was a much contested “proper perspective” of risk. Critics noted an absolute increase of harm by fallout and warned about the unknowns in its nature and scale. Washington, in contrast, emphasized the knowns, backed them up with its monopoly of monitoring data, and pushed the burden of proof upon the critics. It also adopted a comparative framework that mirrored the double-binding consensus of national security and high modernity, in which the risk from fallout appeared “negligible” compared to natural and artificial radiations, socially accepted risks, and benefits of atomic energy. The Eisenhower administration even pursued a technological solution of “cleaning up” nuclear bombs to justify the continuation of nuclear tests as well as to break an emerging taboo surrounding the use of nuclear explosives for war and peace.
    Cold War America's leadership in the risk evaluation in and out of the United States, however, proved to be far from absolute or static. The U.S. Atomic Energy Commission, an all-powerful national security state institution which underwrote the government's safety assurances, suffered much from the growing public mistrust due to the embedded conflict of interests between promotion and regulation. The commission of a risk review to the National Academy of Sciences hardly helped the government when the British counterpart issued a more conservative report. At the United Nations, the Soviet Union became assertive in challenging the logic of America's risk judgment as its scientists were rebuilding the knowledge basis of radiation biology and genetics and absorbing an alternative risk perspective through their transnational communication with Western experts. The resultant shift of consensus toward a more conservative risk assessment, in turn, increasingly narrowed the latitude of test ban policy for the Eisenhower administration, which eventually decided to abandon an option of atmospheric tests in 1959. Beyond the test ban, the transformed consensus also led Washington to reconsider the fundamental promise of “peace through nuclear superiority”, ironically, in a way to reinforce it. In short, the fallout controversy revealed the dynamic co-evolution of risk knowledge and nuclear policy for Cold War America.
  • 高田 智之
    国際経済
    1998年 1998 巻 49 号 83-85
    発行日: 1998/07/15
    公開日: 2010/07/07
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 周 生升
    アジア研究
    2018年 64 巻 1 号 56-78
    発行日: 2018/01/31
    公開日: 2018/03/02
    ジャーナル フリー

    In recent years, China has achieved the “rise of economy”, which shows the hegemonic behavior to change the current situation by force in the political and secure fields including the South China Sea issue. Meanwhile, regional integration and free trade is promoted by China’s leadership in economic field. Whether it has been named as hegemony or leadership in above ways, the rising of great power tends to accompany expansionist diplomacy that trying to expand its influence and rules to other countries and regions.

    Studies of the rising Chinese diplomacy were increasingly well-documented, but some of them just analyzed the reasons of Chinese expansionist diplomacy, which mainly focused on China’s “push factors”. However, it is still poor understood whether neighboring countries react to China’s behavior passively or not. In the present paper, relations between China and Pakistan from the viewpoint of Pakistan side will be further discussed.

    The ambition and willingness of China is a necessary prerequisite in Chinese expansionism diplomacy. Therefore, this paper will discuss the following parts. First of all, existing research has focused on “push factor” of China’s side which explained “why China expands” and “how to expand”. Nevertheless, this approach didn’t take account into the reaction of target countries, which was closely related to the Chinese expansionism diplomacy could be accepted. Secondly, the “push factor” of the China’s side has been reported to play an important role in the development of China’s expansion. And the “pull factor” from the target country’s side may also contribute to its expansion.

    The present paper reviewed the Sino-Pak relations, and then analyzed the “pull factors” of Pakistan side that influenced the development of China’s expansionist diplomacy. Together, unlike the “push factor”, which emphasized China’s diplomatic strategy and hegemonic ambition about Chinese expansionism diplomacy, this paper indicated that we should not overlook the “pull factor”, which Pakistan spontaneously depended on China due to the difficulties of domestic and foreign affairs in the country. Specifically, it was assumed that the “pull factor” led to the expansion of China, and how far target countries accept its expansion as well. Based on the studies about the diplomacy of rising China, it seems reasonable to assume that “push factor” complementing by “pull factor”.

  • 三橋 俊彦, 檀原 宏
    栄養と食糧
    1967年 20 巻 4 号 320-322
    発行日: 1967年
    公開日: 2010/02/22
    ジャーナル フリー
    これまで5回行なわれた中共の核実験による, 牛乳の放射性ヨウ素 (I-131) の汚染濃度を, 爆発の翌日から毎日測定した。その結果,
    1) 中共の核実験により, 我国の牛乳に放射性ヨウ素が, 極めて明りょうに, かつ速やかに現われた。
    2) その濃度, 最高値の現われる時間は, 核実験の規模などで異なるが, 第1回目で千葉の牛乳では最高400pCi/lが記録され, 汚染は1カ月ほど続いた。
    3) 第2回以降には, あまり大きな濃度が検出されず, 7~10日間で汚染は消失した。
  • 渡邉 昭夫
    アジア研究
    2007年 53 巻 3 号 72-87
    発行日: 2007/07/31
    公開日: 2014/09/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    The history of the nuclear age of international politics is customarily divided into two phases with the establishment of the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) in 1971 as the epoch-makingevent. This paper argues that the really significant event was China’s decision to go nuclear in the latter half of the 1960s. In terms of the profound impact on the other Asian countries, China’s bomb was uniquely different from those of the preceding four nuclear powers, since it forced its neighbors either to arm themselves with their own bombs or to rely more on the nuclear umbrella provided by one of the existing nuclear powers. Japan elected to ensure that the United States was firmly committed to defending Japan against attacks from any nuclear power, including China, while chosing not to make or possess nuclear bombs of its own. China’s nuclear arsenal ushered in the second nuclear age also in the sense that it heralded similar attempts by economically less advanced nations in Asia and Africa. The cases of North Korea and Iran represent the most recent and ongoing examples of that kind.
  • 岸田 純之助
    国際政治
    1967年 1967 巻 32 号 53-71
    発行日: 1967/05/10
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 伊藤 伸彦, 池田 正道
    RADIOISOTOPES
    1985年 34 巻 8 号 423-425
    発行日: 1985/08/15
    公開日: 2010/09/07
    ジャーナル フリー
    Iodine-131 concentrations in thyroid glands of cows, oxen and swine carried in the Yokohama slauterhouse were measured. The γ-ray spectral analysis was done with a Ge (Li) detecter. It is considered that 131I in thyroid glands of domestic animals resulted from Chinese open-air nuclear tests and radioactive materials used at medical facilities.
    It is presumed that 131I from medical facilities was taken in swine thyroid glands from the leavings of meals of patients.
  • 阿部 純一
    アジア研究
    2007年 53 巻 3 号 4-24
    発行日: 2007/07/31
    公開日: 2014/09/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    Due to its adversarial relationship with the United States and the Soviet Union, China developed nuclear weapons and ballistic missiles during the 1960s and 1970s in order to have its own deterrent. By the beginning of the 1980s, China had completed a series of liquid-fueled ballistic missiles, in particular the DF-5 ICBM, that covered all of the North American continent.Since then, China has begun to develop a second generation of ballistic missiles; these are powered by solid fuel and and can be moved by road, and so have enhanced responsiveness and survivability. By the end of 1980s, China had developed the JL-1 SLBM and its variant, the DF-21MRBM, although the Xia-class SSBN (Type 092), which was the platform of the JL-1, was unsuccessful and has never been a real strategic asset.
    China is now attempting to develop the DF-31 ICBM and its variant, the JL-2 SLBM, which will be stable retaliatory forces. The Jin-class new generation SSBN (Type 094), which carries the JL-2, is also under development.
    As a latecomer to the nuclear club, China resisted joining international non-proliferation regimes, especially the Partial Test Ban Treaty (PTBT) and the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), under which China accused the United States and the Soviet Union of being a“ nuclear dictatorship.” However, in 1992, after the collapse of the Soviet Union, China joined the NPT and changed its position to support international non-proliferation.
    In spite of its position, China has continuously exported nuclear technology and ballistic missiles and missile-related materials to Pakistan and other countries. This behavior of China has been regarded by the United States as causing the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction(WMDs).
    Since late 1980s, the United States has organized a Missile Technology Control Regime(MTCR) with the G8 member countries and legislated domestic laws prohibiting proliferatiig behaviors by other countries. The United States has taken unilateral economic sanctions against countries violating US laws. And since 1991, China has been a main target of these US economic sanctions.
    In the 1990s, China itself made efforts to legislate its domestic regulations controlling exports relating to WMDs, but since 2001, under the Bush administration, the United States has takensanctions against China as many as 19 times. Hence, it can be said that China’s behavior in terms of nuclear proliferation has resulted in a bilateral dispute between the United States and China.
  • 森田 右
    素粒子論研究
    1958年 17 巻 Suppl 号 1-6
    発行日: 1958年
    公開日: 2017/10/02
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 結田 康一
    日本土壌肥料学雑誌
    2018年 89 巻 5 号 431-436
    発行日: 2018/10/05
    公開日: 2018/11/03
    ジャーナル 認証あり
  • 廣瀬 勝己
    RADIOISOTOPES
    2015年 64 巻 12 号 753-764
    発行日: 2015/12/15
    公開日: 2015/12/29
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
    巨大地震と津波に伴い発生した福島第一原子力発電所事故(福島原発事故)は,深刻な環境放射能汚染の原因となり,多くの日本国民ばかりでなく世界的にも大きな衝撃を残した。福島原発事故の影響は長期に及ぶものと懸念されている。言うまでもなく,グローバルスケールで環境の放射能汚染が始まったのは,1945年に広島・長崎へ原爆が投下されて以降のことである。過去の,環境の放射能汚染実態とその変遷に関する知識を総括しておくことが,福島原発事故による放射能汚染の環境影響の今後の変遷を理解するために重要である。特に,人工放射性核種には長寿命核種が含まれ長期にわたって環境中に存在すると共に,地球上の様々な過程に従って拡散・移動している。ここでは,最大の放射能汚染をもたらした大気圏核実験などを取り上げ,長期にわたる放射性核種の環境動態に関する研究成果を紹介し,福島原発事故で起きた環境放射能汚染の将来予測に役立てる。
  • 小幡 操
    国際政治
    1964年 1964 巻 24 号 41-54,L2
    発行日: 1964/04/05
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    There are two points which determine the fundamental Japanese attitude in the United Nations toward the limitation of armament. One is how it should be and the other is restraint of policy which Japan has actually applied.
    The first point has several questions. 1. United Nations centralism which the Japanese government proclaimed when Japan entered the United Nations and which Japan has maintained as one of its diplomatic principles. 2. Obligations of chapter nine of the Japanese constitution. 3. National desire to be secured by the United Nations. 4. Experience of nuclear bombs and nuclear test.
    The second point also has following questions. 1. The Japanese government's idea to elevate Japan's position in international relations. 2. Advancement of rearmament of Japan which raises question about the chapter nine of the Japanese constitution. 3. Step to make security of Japan dependent on American armament. 4. Complicated relations between American military policy and Japanese request for suspension of nuclear test.
    The Japanese government was distressed by the contradiction between these two points. Its former active attitude about limitation of armament and suspension of nuclear testing has been gradually reduced to a passive one. The government has even lost its independence in offering proposals about it. As a result, the govenment's policy has more and more departed from what it should be, and has therefore separated from Japanese national opinion.
    This phenomenon was especially remarkable on the subject of limitation of armament. The attitude of the Japanese government about this subject has been changed many times and finally has taken a third person's attitude. Cause of this confusion can be partially found in lacking of fundamental study about this subject. The Japanese government's opinion has lately been limited to suspension of nuclear testing.
    Moreover even its attitude about suspension of nuclear testing has lost its enthusiasm and individuality, and tries to discharge its duty by concerning itself only with technical matters. The government ought to reconsider seriously how it should be and conditions for it. This will be the problem in future.
  • 伊藤 融
    アジア研究
    2007年 53 巻 3 号 43-56
    発行日: 2007/07/31
    公開日: 2014/09/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    In May 1998, India and Pakistan carried out a series of nuclear tests and declared themselves “nuclear powers” — a move that shocked the international community and added a newdimension to the rivalries between these two neighbors. This article will attempt to analyze what led both to this nuclearization and what kind of influence it had on the whole world as well as on the region.
    From a strategic viewpoint, India had pushed ahead with its nuclear program in order to counter the threat of China, not of Pakistan, whereas Pakistan’s program was aimed at reducing the threat posed by India. That is to say, the power imbalance in the region (China > India > Pakistan) encouraged these two countries to go nuclear. India and Pakistan have faced increased security-related concerns since the collapse of the alliance structure that built up during the Cold War. In addition to these security interests, rising nationalism in the midst of globalization has created a political trend that has encouraged nuclearization.
    Now, in retrospect, we can ask the question: which side has benefited most from nuclearization?Regionally, Pakistan seems to have seized more advantages militarily and diplomatically, especially regarding the Kashmir issue. Globally, however, nuclearization has helped India to rise in the world: most major powers, including the United States, cannot help regarding and treating India as a global player. In contrast, the international community regards Pakistan with suspicion in the wake of revelations about the “nuclear black market.”
    In fact, this nuclearization, which drew international concern about the risk of nuclear war, has not only contributed to sustaining the ongoing peace process since 2003, but has also created aninternational environment in which each side stops short of resorting to war even in times of crisis. “Rising India” will also hesitate to draw a sword. Unfortunately, however, it is difficult to conclude that a stable“ nuclear peace” has been established between India and Pakistan considering their geopolitical and strategic characteristics, lack of a relationship of mutual trust, persistent cross-border terrorism, and the fragile state foundations of Pakistan.
  • 森重 敏子, 石西 伸, 長 哲二
    日本衛生学雑誌
    1977年 32 巻 3 号 434-441
    発行日: 1977/08/30
    公開日: 2009/02/17
    ジャーナル フリー
    The contamination and the pollution of foodstuffs by radioactive fallout have been investigated since 1961 in Fukuoka city and its suburban area. The results obtained were as follows.
    1) Recently, the degree of the contamination of greens by radioactive fallout which fell on the leaves decreased to one thousandth in the early stage of the investigation (1961-1962). In the period of the investigation, the remarkable increase of the radioactivity of fallout was observed within a week after the Chinese nuclear bomb explosion in the atmosphere (1st, 2nd, 5th, 12th, 13th, and 15th). The radioactivity was 2 to 300 times higher than the usual level.
    2) The radioactivity was not remarkable in vegetables which were washed with soap, but it decreased gradually year by year. The increase of the radioactivity was also observed a few days after the atmospheric nuclear explosion.
    3) In milk, there were no remarkable yearly decreases of the radioactivity from the beginning of the investigation, but the seasonal variations of the radioactivity, such as higher in April and May, were observed.
    4) The radioactivity in diets based on the standard food production in Japan was the highest in 1967. It decreased gradually from 1967 to 1971 and after that the remarkable variation of the activity was not observed.
    5) 137Cs contamination of foodstuffs has been observed quantitatively by the method of gamma spectrometry, while sometimes 95Zr-95Nb, 103Ru, and 131I were also detected from the specimens obtained immediately after the nuclear explosions.
feedback
Top