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全文: "中華革命党"
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  • 川尻 文彦
    史学雑誌
    2003年 112 巻 3 号 392-393
    発行日: 2003/03/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 松本 武彦
    史学雑誌
    1983年 92 巻 7 号 1197-1205
    発行日: 1983/07/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 清水 稔
    史学雑誌
    1982年 91 巻 5 号 777-784
    発行日: 1982/05/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 澁谷 由里
    史学雑誌
    1999年 108 巻 5 号 865-872
    発行日: 1999/05/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 山田 賢
    法制史研究
    2009年 58 巻 278-285
    発行日: 2009/03/30
    公開日: 2014/03/31
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 蒋介石と独裁政治モデル
    樹中 毅
    アジア研究
    2005年 51 巻 1 号 1-17
    発行日: 2005/01/31
    公開日: 2014/09/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    In the 1920s and the 1930s, Leninism and fascism were the two dictatorship models imitated by the Chiang Kai-shek regime in China. In this study, I would like to discuss the characteristics of Chiang’s dictatorship and the development of his ideology by focusing on how he brought Leninism into his policy and his transformation of Leninism into fascism.
    The legitimacy of the Kuomintang’s (KMT) party-state was based on the principle of party dictatorship. The KMT’s formal ideology lacked the ability to build a party-state system, and therefore Chiang Kai-shek had to use the prevailing models of dictatorship from Russia, Italy and Germany as his basis.
    Essentially, Chiang Kai-shek was an anti-communist. Notwithstanding the ideological conflict between Leninism and fascism, Chiang combined democratic centralism and the Führerprinzip into a model of a party-state regime for the KMT. Although there was an ideological conflict between Leninism and fascism, as far as proposing an elitist dictatorship, power centralization, rigid organization and the negation of human rights were concerned, the two ideologies were completely coherent.
    Chiang Kai-shek attempted to establish the party-state by building centralism and Führerprinzip into a formal system of ideology. Leninism and fascism were most influential under the KMT’s political regime, especially in the following three aspects: (i) the strategy of the National Movement; (ii) the establishment of the revolutionary dictatorship; and (iii) the principle of organization. Therefore, the dictatorship of Chiang Kai-shek can be seen as a mixture of Leninism and fascism.
    Nevertheless, Chiang did not accept Leninism and fascism unconditionally. Originally, Leninism was created to realize the Marxist revolution, while fascism was characterized by conquest and ethnocentrism; however, Chiang Kai-shek separated class conflicts from Leninism and disconnected fascism from ethnocentrism. In this way, without incorporating the concepts of communism and conquest, the National Revolution Movement launched by the KMT modified the western ideology of dictatorship and turned it into a simple model for dictatorship.
    What Chiang seriously feared was the lack of the rigid party organization necessary to support the strong one-party politics essential to Leninism and fascism. In fact, because the KMT was organizationally weak, Chiang Kai-shek could not establish himself as a charismatic leadership in the mould of Stalin, Hitler and Mussolini. Although Chiang’s dictatorial regime had the characteristics of the party-state and totalitarianism, its actual method of ruling was different from that of Leninism and fascism. The structure of the one-party dictatorship created by the KMT was an authoritarian regime based on military force.
  • 陳 來幸, 貴志 俊彦, 川島 真
    地域研究
    2011年 11 巻 1 号 20-42
    発行日: 2011年
    公開日: 2020/05/31
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 武内 房司
    史学雑誌
    1987年 96 巻 5 号 791-798
    発行日: 1987/05/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 史学雑誌
    1986年 95 巻 10 号 1666-1683
    発行日: 1986/10/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 山本真著 『近現代中国における社会と国家:福建省での革命、行政の制度化、戦時体制』 を読んで
    宮内 肇
    華南研究
    2018年 4 巻 57-65
    発行日: 2018年
    公開日: 2019/06/01
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • ──「東亜同盟会」ないしは「亜州和親会」をめぐって──
    白石 昌也
    東南アジア研究
    1982年 20 巻 3 号 335-372
    発行日: 1982/02/15
    公開日: 2018/05/31
    ジャーナル フリー
    This paper discusses the Đông Á Đông Minh Hội, or the “League of East Asia,” an organization which, in his memoirs, Phan Bội Châu claims to have joined in the fall of 1908. Information from Japanese and Chinese sources, however, indicates that the League could not have been established in the second half of 1908, because at that time four of the most important participants listed by P.B. Châu in his memoirs had either left Japan or were in prison. Various Japanese, Chinese and Vietnamese sources further indicate that this League was identical with the Ashū Washinkai, the “Asian Friendship Association.” According to Japanese sources, the Association was established in the fall of 1907, a year carlier than P.B. Châu claims.
     Students of Vietnamese nationalism, relying exclusively on P. B. Châu's memoirs, have concluded that the League was set up when the Japanese authorities, under pressure through French diplomatic channels, started suppressing the Vietnamese movement in Japan, causing P.B. Châu to become disillusioned with Japan. Since the League was established well before Japanese policy turned against the Vietnamese, however, other reasons should be sought for P.B. Châu's decision to join the League. The year 1907 saw a crucial change in official Japanese policy toward her Asian neighbours and the Western colonial powers, which drew criticism from emigrés of the other Asian nations who resided in Japan. Through a series of treaties with the Western powers, the Japanese government publicly demonstrated its willingness to cooperate with the colonialists at the expense of the Asian peoples. A few years earlier, after the Russo-Japanese War, many Asian nationalists tended to regard Japan as the champion of the yellow race against the white colonialists. Yet in 1907 the Chinese revolutionaries and Indian activists in Japan, as well as the Japanese socialists. increasingly expressed the idea that Japan was not a friend of Asia but a “common enemy” who belonged to the white imperialists' camp. By the summer of 1907,the Chinese, Indian and Japanese activists were in close contact with each other and with Korean, Phillipino and Vietnamese emigrés.
     P.B. Châu was shocked by Japan's signing of a treaty with the French in June 1907 and abandoned his idea of “relying on Japan.” Instead he joined the revolutionaries from other Asian nations and the Japanese socialists in placing their hopes on cooperation between peoples with the “same sickness.” By 1907 the term “same sickness” (động bệnh in Vietnamese, t'ung ping in Chinese) had become a key word in Chinese arguments for the need for solidarity among the oppressed Asian peoples. Furthermore, in his memoirs and in his letter to Foreign Minister Komura in 1909, P.B. Châu used the opposing terms “universal principle” (công lý in Vietnamese, kung li in Chinese) and “strong force” (cuòng quyên in Vietnamese, ch'iang ch'üang in Chinese) that the Chinese revolutionaries, especially the anarchists, also used: “universal principle” stood for the righteousness of oppressed peoples, and “strong force” for their suppression by imperialists.
     It is logical to argue that a few years after P.B. Châu came to Japan to seek Japanese assistance, he finally abandoned his reliance on Japan and turned to the building of cooperation among the nationalists of suffering Asia. In seeking Japanese assistance, he had stressed common cultural background, ethnicity, and geographical proximity between Vietnam and Japan, expressed in the phrase “the same culture, the same race, and the same continent.” His shift in emphasis to the “same sickness” demonstrates a shift

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  • 鬼丸 武士
    国際政治
    2018年 2018 巻 191 号 191_64-191_79
    発行日: 2018/03/28
    公開日: 2018/12/19
    ジャーナル フリー

    From mid-19th century onwards, the world was increasingly connected by modern modes of transportation and technologies of communication, such as railways, steamships, modern banking systems, the telegraph, and so on. In East and Southeast Asia, the highest degrees of connectivity were found in and between the capitals or maritime port cities, including Tokyo, Yokohama, Kobe, Nagasaki, Shanghai, Canton, Hong Kong, Manila, Saigon, Bangkok, Singapore, Batavia, and Rangoon. These cities were linked by steamship, rail, and telegraph services, and covered with networks extending the flows of people, commodities, money, and information. That era of deepening regional connectivity and flows in East and Southeast Asia corresponded with the peak of political revolutionary movements grounded in nationalism, communism, religion, or anti-colonialism. Colonial and national governments regarded these movements as threats, and closely monitored and severely suppressed political activists. Under such circumstances, many revolutionaries were forced into exile by arrest and deportation or in order to escape detention. Exiled activists regularly moved between different cities connected by modern transportation and communication technologies. The cities served as their bases from which they partook of many itineraries of revolutionary activity abroad. This paper focuses on the itineraries of three famous Asian revolutionaries, namely, Sun Yat-sen, Nguyen Ai Quoc, and Tan Malaka, who lived in exile from 1895 to 1916, from 1911 to 1941, and from 1922 to 1942 respectively. The paper offers a comparative study of the particular cities in which these exiled revolutionaries based or pursued their political movements, and explains why these cities were chosen for their arenas of revolutionary activity. Between them, the exiles lived and operated in Tokyo/Yokohama, Shanghai, Manila, Amoy, Canton, Hong Kong, Hanoi, Bangkok, Singapore, and Penang. These were the major maritime cities of Asia, serving as national or colonial state capitals or the leading trading centers in the region. Besides the advantage of having regular services of steamships and communication technologies at hand, the revolutionaries had differing reasons for selecting cities for their revolutionary headquarters. For example, Sun Yat-sen frequently visited and stayed in Tokyo/Yokohama because of his links with Japanese politicians, entrepreneurs, and supporters. On the other hand, Shanghai was the preferred city of underground revolutionaries, such as Tan Malaka, because Shanghai was divided into three municipalities. In short, a close understanding of the relations between cities and revolutionary movements requires a careful analysis of the political, economic, social, and historical background and character of the cities themselves.

  • 市川 健二郎
    東南アジア -歴史と文化-
    1984年 1984 巻 13 号 3-28
    発行日: 1984/06/01
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    Tan Kah Kee (1874-1961), a Fukien-born Chinese in Singapore, was one of the most eminent leaders of all Chinese in contemporary Southeast Asian societies. With the promotion of China's modernization program in these years, his name in China has come to fame again as one of the greatest industrial entrepreneurs, an outstanding patriot and a famous benevolent person for the promotion of school education and the devotion to charities both in Singapore and Amoy where he was born and grew up. Such a characteristic image about Tan Kah Kee as a typical example of loyal and patriotic subject to his motherland, however, is far from the real situation of his personal history. He was only an ordinary Chinese businessman in Singapore, a non-elite and a non-partisan Hokkien merchant without any academic career of secondary education. The real events of his life tell us indeed that he was neither a patriotic Kuomingtang (KMT) supporter, nor an ideological Communist.
    As he fully realized the neccessity of school education, Tan in 1910's began operation to invest his capital in the promotion of Chinese school education both in Singapore and Amoy and also founded Amoy University in 1921. In 1916 when he became naturalized as a British subject, Tan kept friendly relations with the British Colonial Authorities in Singapore. Through the wartime, there were various points of view on their political identity among different dialect and religious groups, or different economic and social status of the Singapore Chinese. Although he was apointed as a Chairman of the Nanyang Chinese Relief General Association in 1938, Tan stood out of the political movement by the KMT and the Malayan Communist Party (MCP) and kept a friendly relations with the Colonial Authorities. As he was disappointed at the corruption of the KMT bureaucrats during the wartime, Tan keenly desired in his heart that a new democratic government should be established in post-war China.
    In 1942 when the Japanese army invaded to Singapore, Japanese military police put a price on Tan Kah Kee as a top-ranking leader of the anti-Japanese movement in Nanyang. Tan exiled to Java and hid himself at a house of the Amoy school graduate at Malang until the end of the war. Soon after the end of the war, Tan returned to Singapore and made a poor attempt at the promotion of Nanyang Chinese relief fundraising campaign for the wartime victims both in Singapore and the Fukien. The power structure of the Nanyang Chinese, however, was very much transformed by the upheaval of the war and Tan's leadership declined with the growing KMT's and the MCP's powes in post-war Singapore. There was indeed a generation gulf between Tan and the new leaders of the Chinese political and economic circles in post-war Singapore.
    His return to China in 1949 was motivated neither by ideological nor by practical consideration for protecting interest or all Chinese abroad and was merely urged by the traditional custom of many China-born Chinese in abroad who usually go back their home-town for living calmly in their old age. In 1949, Tan was invited to Beijing for helping the Overseas Chinese affairs of the new government. But, he was excused himself from the invitation and usually stayed in Amoy for devoting all of his retired life to the community development in Amoy. With the reassessment of the role of the Overseas Chinese for their investment to modernize China in these years, the great name of Tan Kah Kee has come to the fore again in some Chinese periodicals since 1980. His contribution to social and economic development projects after retirement, however, was largely concentrated to Amoy where was a microcosm of Tan's spiritual identity.
  • 日本外交史の諸問題 I
    藤井 昇三
    国際政治
    1964年 1964 巻 26 号 22-35
    発行日: 1964/07/01
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 金田 真滋
    史学雑誌
    2000年 109 巻 5 号 894-901
    発行日: 2000/05/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
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