詳細検索結果
以下の条件での結果を表示する: 検索条件を変更
クエリ検索: "中隊"
1,086件中 1-20の結果を表示しています
  • 今井 良一
    村落社会研究ジャーナル
    2010年 16 巻 2 号 20-32
    発行日: 2010年
    公開日: 2013/01/18
    ジャーナル フリー
        The objective of this article is to show how easily and quickly the 3-year-long farming training for Japanense youth pioneering brigades in Manchuria failed and how foolhardly the project was.
        The training institutions were essential for smoothly establishing large-scale agriculture. In those days, Japanese peasants in Japan never desired large-scale agricultural management.
        Japanese youth pioneering brigades entered the agricultural training institutions in Manchuria. The groups were organized by people from various prefectures (the hybrid squadrons). The hybrid squadrons were sent to Manchuria yearly from 1938 to 1940.
        This was one way to deal with the agricultural failures of experimental groups of adult emigrant groups, who went to Manchuria from 1932 to 1935. The colonization was carried out to make the colonists carry part of the burden of controlling Manchuria and defending against the Soviet Union, and to establish a self-supporting buffer state.
        In order to establish agricultural management as demanded by agricultural policy, it was essential to establish a system of cooperation. Especially in case of emigration of youth pioneering brigades, the cooperation of the peasants and their families was essential. But, in the hybrid squadrons, the following items 1-4 failed: (1) establishment of strong leadership, (2) formation of a group consciousness that could work in agriculture, (3) learning agricultural skills in Manchuria, and (4) establishing a lifestyle suitable for the Manchurian climate.
        At last, the training failed, and the agricultural settlements didn’t come into existence. On the contrary, in the emigration of youth pioneering brigades in the hybrid squadrons, because they were underage and immature in body and mind, the establishment of the above-mentioned items (1) through (4) was much more difficult than for the adult immigrant groups. As a result, their ability in agriculture already declined before their movement to settlements, and it was far inferior to the adult emigrants who formed settlements as soon as they settled in Manchuria.
  • 越野 武, 泉 勝文
    日本建築学会論文報告集・号外・臨時増刊 学術講演要旨集
    1965年 40 巻 669-
    発行日: 1965年
    公開日: 2017/08/18
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 山口 實
    造園雑誌
    1943年 10 巻 1 号 5-6
    発行日: 1943/06/30
    公開日: 2011/04/13
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 丹羽文雄と戦争・その1
    永井 博
    四日市大学論集
    2014年 26 巻 2 号 198-186
    発行日: 2014年
    公開日: 2020/09/10
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 中央獸醫會雑誌
    1914年 27 巻 8 号 386-397
    発行日: 1914/08/20
    公開日: 2008/10/24
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 丹羽文雄と戦争・その3
    永井 博
    四日市大学論集
    2016年 29 巻 1 号 164-152
    発行日: 2016年
    公開日: 2021/09/22
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 丹羽文雄と戦争・その5
    永井 博
    四日市大学論集
    2019年 31 巻 2 号 372-361
    発行日: 2019年
    公開日: 2019/05/20
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 宮本 曉誕
    中央獸醫會雑誌
    1905年 18 巻 9 号 335-347
    発行日: 1905/09/28
    公開日: 2008/10/24
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 石井 淳
    心理研究
    1918年 14 巻 80 号 208-214
    発行日: 1918/08/01
    公開日: 2010/07/16
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 岡山醫學會雜誌
    1896年 8 巻 83 号 488-497
    発行日: 1896/12/31
    公開日: 2009/05/26
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 立石 友男, 渡部 斎
    地図
    2001年 39 巻 Supplement 号 54
    発行日: 2001年
    公開日: 2011/07/19
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 中川 雅彦
    アジア経済
    2001年 42 巻 11 号 2-27
    発行日: 2001/11/15
    公開日: 2023/03/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 日本航空學會誌
    1938年 5 巻 41 号 953-957
    発行日: 1938/09/05
    公開日: 2009/07/09
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 丹羽文雄と戦争・その4
    永井 博
    四日市大学論集
    2018年 30 巻 2 号 250-238
    発行日: 2018年
    公開日: 2018/05/21
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ロシア国軍第2軍の場合
    松村 岳志
    社会経済史学
    2017年 83 巻 3 号 355-380
    発行日: 2017年
    公開日: 2019/11/25
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 大矢 一人
    日本の教育史学
    2008年 51 巻 43-55
    発行日: 2008/10/01
    公開日: 2017/06/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    This paper provides an overview of the education policy implemented by the Allied occupying forces military government organization in Japan early on in the occupation (September, 1945 to June, 1946). Although Allied forces took up residence in Japan at this time, their organization and implementation of educational policy, including the allocation of educational officers, the importance of education within overall occupation operations, school inspections, and military officers' understanding of the existing Japanese education system, have not been thoroughly analyzed due to heretofore restricted access to relevant documentation. Utilizing the newly released "Number MG Report" held in the US National Archives, this paper will analyze these remarkable educational activities and consider their importance in early occupation operations. There are five characteristics that define educational policy in the early months of the occupation. First, the Military Government Section under the umbrella of tactical operations had begun the process of implementing educational policy, mainly school inspections, in conjunction with other sections of CIC (Counter Intelligence Corps) even prior to the stationing of MG groups and companies November, 1945. Second, the MG groups and companies entering Japan had officers, sometimes even entire sections, assigned to address educational matters. Although the proportion of education among total MG activities was not very high, it is meaningful that these education officers or sections existed from the beginning, to organize and routinize educational operations. Third, MG groups and companies established contact with indigenous educational institutions in order to implement educational operations, like school inspections, on a large scale. Fourth, these school inspections were "search and destroy" missions, meant to root out the militaristic educational curriculum as part of the occupation's goal of "demilitarization" of Japan. They also tried to comprehend the state of Japanese education through surveys of entrance exams and student strikes. School inspectors' reports also attempted to show the "democratization" of Japan through education reforms already underway. This tendency was accelerated with the publication of the "Report of the United States Education Mission to Japan." Finally, MG groups and companies were already paying attention to Communist activity even in education. Previous research argues that while local military government was well developed in 1945 and early 1946, time was necessary to adapt to local situations. However, this paper reveals that from the very beginning of the occupation, MG groups and companies engaged in educational operations and established the foundation for later development. This shows that the early period in the occupation of Japan was not just a "preparatory and exploratory" period, but it led to the establishment of a functional military government.
  • 第2報 血清疫学的観察
    山本 正弘, 徳地 幹夫, 榊原 春司, 松田 治, 大田原 美作雄, 佐藤 浩, 宍戸 亮
    日本傳染病學會雜誌
    1969年 43 巻 2 号 37-43
    発行日: 1969/05/20
    公開日: 2011/11/25
    ジャーナル フリー
    An epidemic of rubella occurring among recruits of the Japanese Ground Self-Defence Forces (JGSDF) at Ohtsu Base Camp in Ohtsu city in a period from the middle of May to the end of July 1967 was outlined in the previous report, Report 1., in this magazine.
    In this paper, the results of sero-epidemiological observations were presented.
    1) Hemagglutination-inhibition test of rubella viruses was carried out on 12 cases who initialed this epidemic. In them, significant rise of the antibody was shown between acute and convalescent stage. In spite of the negative results of virus isolations performed on these patients in the acute stage, the seroimmunological evidence in them is strong enough to support the confirmation of their rebella infection.
    2) At the very beginning and the end of the epidemic, a half number of all recruits belonging to two companies, in which the disease was prevalent, was extracted by random sampling and tested for HI level.
    Antibody possessing rate was 61/121 at the beginning of the epidemic and turned to 116/121 at the end in one company, and 66/145 turned to 145/145 in the other. According to this result, the authors estimated that almost 50% of recruits at Ohtsu Base Camp had already possessed the antibody before the epidemic, and almost all the members were infected with the viruses by the end of the epidemic.
    3) In this epidemic, the ratio between the latent and the manifested among supposedly newly infected cases was estimated about 1: 1.
  • ──軍用列車運行予定表の分析──
    柿崎 一郎
    東南アジア -歴史と文化-
    2010年 2010 巻 39 号 52-85
    発行日: 2010年
    公開日: 2016/12/14
    ジャーナル フリー

    The aim of this article is to describe the characteristics of Japanese military transport on Thai railways during World War II, by analyzing the train schedules now held in the National Archives of Thailand. These schedules contain such data as the number and type of carriages on each train together with their origin and destination for almost every day from the beginning of the War until September 1945. Although the author initially compiled the data from these schedules hoping to grasp the overall volume of Japanese military transport, it soon became evident that the data did not cover all types of activity, because there were not enough train movements from Malaya to Thailand in the schedules. This forced the author to complement the schedules with an analysis of bills for Japanese military transport issued by the Thai railway department. The author divides the war time period into four stages for analysis: 1) front-line-expansion (December 1941-June 1942), 2) construction of the Thai-Burma line (July 1942-October 1943), 3) the opening of the Thai-Burma line (November 1943-December 1944) and 4) network division (January-September 1945).

    During stage 1), the main transport flows were found on two routes: from Bangkok to Malaya via the Southern line and to Phitsanulok or Sawankhalok via the Northern line, corresponding to the Malaya Operation and the Burma Operation, respectively. Other flows originated from Cambodia to the same destinations via the Eastern line and Bangkok. During stage 2), flows from Bangkok to Malaya and from Cambodia to Bangkok still existed, although their volumes were reduced. On the other hand, new flows emerged from either Bangkok or Malaya to the starting point of the Thai-Burma line to supply its construction. Stage 3) experienced an increase in transport due to the opening of Thai-Burma line and the Imphal Operation. Flows to Malaya and the Thai-Burma line still accounted for the majority of the transport, but flows to the Isthmus of Kra and the North also increased to supplement the Thai-Burma line. Finally, during stage 4), transport volume further expanded, while the total distance of transport dramatically dropped, as many lines were halted at several points due to Allied bombing, to the extent that all long-distance transport was suspended, except on the Eastern line.

    The characteristic features of wartime Japanese military transport through Thai railways are threefold: 1) long-distance railway transport as a substitute for maritime transport, 2) supplementary transport to the Burmese front-lines, and 3) the existence of commodity transport unrelated to troop movements. This transport concentrated on supplementing the Burmese front-line rather than transport to Malaya, except during the Malay Operation period. As Japanese forces arrived at Saigon or Singapore for deployment to Burma, military transport on Thai railways became the main form of long-distance “international” movement. Before the War, Thai railways were of little importance as international lines compared to maritime transport. This “international” railway activity, while limited only to military transport, eventually emerged for the first time in Southeast Asia through the creation of “international” rail links with Cambodia and Burma, and a shortage of maritime vessels during wartime. Furthermore, there was a considerable amount of commodity transport apart from troop movements, a fact which has not been sufficiently dealt with in the “official” histories of the War.

  • 伊東 明
    大学体育
    1989年 15 巻 3 号 68-72
    発行日: 1989/03/20
    公開日: 2017/07/03
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 西澤 頼應
    心理学研究
    1933年 8 巻 6 号 891-906
    発行日: 1933年
    公開日: 2013/05/21
    ジャーナル フリー
    These in Vestigations were carried out under the kind advices of the late Dr. Koreshige Masuda.
    Subjects were fifty eight Soldiers. some of them were already recognized as the well-fitted reporters according to the selected method applied up to this time, and the others were selected at ramdom by fives and sevens from each company.
    In the first investigation, seven tests were employed. They were as follows:
    Test 1. A test of the direct memory of tones. Test 2. A test of the direct memory of figures. Test 3. A test of the the writing speed. Test 4. A test of the direct memory of simple forms. Test 5. A test of the repeating of commands. Test 6. A displacement test. Test 7. An addition test.
    The total sum of full marks of these seven tests is 105. According to the results of tests, the best subject got marks of 80.3, and the worst one marks of 6.8.
    Seven months later the second investigation was carried out. In this investigation, the test of the direct memory of forms and the addition test were omitted from the list of tests employed in the first investigation. In this case, therefore, the number of tests is five and the total sum of full marks of five tests is 100.
    Now, if we examine the results according to the coefficients of correlation between the work of communication and the result of tests, we may enumerate the following discoveries :
    (1)A coefficient of the total sum of marks is+0.4872 and ±0.0917,and that of test 5 is+0.4872 and±0.0917,of test 6,+0.4464 and ±0.0959,of test 7,+0.4261 and ±0.0979,oftest 1,+0.3748 and ±0.1024,of test 3,+0.2714 and ±0.1097, of test4,+0.1360 and ±0.1157, and of test2,+0.942 and±0.1167. Consequently, the test of repeating the commands, the displacement test and the addition test have more relation with the selection of the reporters than the test of direct memory of the figures and forms.
    (2) The order of arrangement of the coeflicients with the results of reporting work is the sound morus (+0.6180),±0.1165), the flag morus (+0.5881, ±0.0794), the light morus (+0.4771,±0.1161), the composition of communication (+0.3748, ±0.1024), the flag signal (+0.3542, ±0.1166), the school knowledge (+0.2195, ±0.1125) and the telephone (+0.1465, ±0.1154). Namely, the correlation of the reporting work is higher .with the morus signs of either sound or flag and the like than with knowledge or technique.
    (3) In either case, the reporter with more sensibility in the auditory sensation than in the visual shows more satisfactory result. Accordingly, man had better choose the auditory type.
    (4) The coefficient of total sum of marks is +0.7217, ±0.0590. And the test 3 (+0.6428, ±0.0709) comes first. Next the test 1 (+0.5794, ±0.0846), the test 6 (+0.4669, ±0.0938), the test 5 (+0.3748, ±0.1024) and the test 4 (+0.3439, ±0.1048) follow. In this case, too, the correlation is high in the test of the writing speed, the direct memory of tones and the displacement, and low in the test of the direct memory of figures in which the visual sensation plays a principal role.
    (5) The coefficients of the communicating work with each test are arranged in order as follows : the flag morus sign (+0.6873, ±0.0648), the Sound morus sign (+0.6478, ±0.0709), the light morus sign (+0.5075,±0.0893) and the flag signal (+0.5075,±0.0893). We can see here the high correlation with the employment of the morus signs again.
    (6) The coefficients of correlation between the result of the first investigation and that of the second are +0.7943and ±0.0460; these numbers, of course, swill be different according to the kinds tests.
feedback
Top