The various offices held under the Japanese Ritsuryo system can be divided into four types according to their appointing authorities : (a)chokuninkan (勅), or those offices appointed by the wishes of the Emperor : (b)soninkan (奏), or those offices originally selected as candidates by the Dajokan (太政官) and then, officially appointed through Imperial sanction. (c)hanninkan (判), or those offices appointed directly by the Dajokan itself. (d)hanbukan (判補官), or those officials appointed by two departments under the Dajokan, the ministry of civil personnel (式部省), and the ministry of military personnel (兵部省). In this essay the author investigates (a) and (b) with respect to the problems of what particular types of diplomatic forms were used, what ceremonies were carried out, and how both diplomatic forms and ceremonies changed during the 9th century. From this study the author was able to make clear the following three points : (1)Under the Ritsuryo system, the process of informing a candidate of his official appointment through a written diplomatic, a process similar to the modern day appointment by jirei (辞令), or written govermment order adressed directly to the appointee, had not been established. In the case of both appointment types (a) and (b), appointees were officially informed verbally before the Emperor in the Daigokuden (大極殿), the hall for public affairs and ceremonies, and its anterior courtyard. (2)Throughout the 8th century, before the appointment ceremonies, three separate diplomatics were drawn up. First, for both (a) and (b) types, a register of candidates was constructed (in later times this list was called omagaki (大間書)). Then, in the case of (a), an Imperial order, or choku (勅), naming the appointees was written. In the case of (b), a report to the Emperor, or Dajokan-so (太政官奏), naming the appointees to be approved by the Emperor was drawn up. Afterwards during the appointment ceremonies, both the Imperial order and the Dajokan reports were read aloud to all gathered. (3)At the advent of the 9th century, the appointment ceremonies came to be conducted in the Dairi (内裏), that is, the Emperor's quarters. And also, during the same time, as the high level bureaucrats in the Dajokan, or kugyo (公卿), became more and more conscious of their special political position, at the appointment ceremonies, kugyo appointees no longer lined up in front of the Emperor, but were ushered to special seats of distinction. For this reason, in the 9th century, kugyo who were also appointed to an office of type (b) came to be reported to the Emperor by a special Dajokan-so which was different from that reporting other appointees.

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An important part of the NIN. DINGIR's installation is carried by the processions between the father's house and the temple of the weather god (^dIM). There are five processions in this installation drama (Emar VI 369). We focus on the fourth procession (Emar VI 369: 45). After the priestess goes to the weather god's temple on the day of enthronement, she is carried to her father's house in the evening. We can see the order of participants clearly in Emar VI 369: 45. Namely, the singers are first, the NIN. DINGIR is second, and the divine weapon is last. The singers lead the fourth procession and it is likely that this involved singing or playing musical instruments, though no such mention is made. We can not see clearly the manner of procession from another ancient Near Eastern texts. The passage of Emar VI 369: 45 is unique from the point of musical culture in the ancient Near East.
What is the function of musical activity in Emar VI 369: 45? It can be said that the divine weapon is associated with the NIN. DINGIR's sacred office in comparison with the text of Assyrian royal enthronement ritual (MVAG 41/3). The priestess is carried by two of her brothers in the fourth procession just like images of gods or divine emblems which are depicted in some drawings of the ancient Near East. We can see that the procession to the father's house is focused on the priestess. The city of Emar comes to a crisis when the former priestess died. The new priestess, who may bring welfare to the city of Emar, is sacred and important for the people of Emar. Processions, which accompany images of gods or divine emblems, function as a pattern of hierophany. Music is effective to produce hierophany in processional rituals. Thus we might see a production of hierophany in the musical activity of the fourth procession.

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This article examines the process of installing court nobles into high-ranking offices, particularly the ranks of Sekkan and Daijin, and the roles played by Emperor Gokomyo, ex-Emperor Gomizunoo, the Sekke family, various other aristocratic families and the Tokugawa Shogunate are examined.First of ass, the background to the monopolization of the position of Daijin by the Sekke in the early 17th century is made clear.A deep gap in influence had developed between the Sekke and other aristocratic families by then.In response, the Tokugawa shogunate, which had acknowledged the appointment of offices as an internal matter for the Imperial Court, became aware of the accumulated dissatisfaction of various aristocratic families and changed its stance, it seems, and sought promotions to Daijin for members of other families, including the Seigake and Daijinke.In addition, the Shogunate did not blindly accept the selections of the Imperial Court and selections were also made based on merit involving secret channels with directly connected to the Shogun.In order to coordinate the selection process, the Shogun, ex-Emperor Gomizunoo and a member of the Sekke held Gonaidan meetings.These meetings and the selections based on merit can be recognized as a means of maintaining harmony between the Shogunate and the Imperial Court and can be seen as the precursor to the Gonairyo system.On the other hand, Gonaidan did not resolve the inconsistencies characterizing the Imperial Court, except only temporarily during the middle of the 17th century.The analysis presented in this article reveals that there was fierce competition among noble families who sought installation into high-ranking offices for the preservation and promotion of their family status, while on the other hand, the Tokugawa Shogunate saw this system of putting court nobles into high ranking offices from a completely different perspective, focusing on the merit of the appointees.The Tokugawa Shogunate was very concerned with the selection of officials because the judgment of the Imperial Court was important for the Shogunate's decisions to be accepted by various socials strata.

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