Kongwang-fo is the one of the Past-Buddhas mentioned in a few sutras, such as the Lotus Sutra. We find faith in Kongwang-fo in the Mianshan area of Shanxi Province even today. On the other hand we can rarely see reverence of this Buddha in the other areas. Although there is a brief reference in the book of travels by the Japanese monk En-nin when he was on a tour of China in 9th century, not much research work has been carried out to date. This paper refers on the condition of the existence and development of the faith, and reports on the results of my investigation on the ground in Mian-shan.

抄録全体を表示

Mi Fu 米〓 (1051-1107) was not only a leading calligrapher and painter of the Northern Song, but was also well-versed in the mounting of paintings, etc., and in writing materials, and he wrote works on a wide range of subjects, including histories of calligraphy, painting, and the inkstone (Shushi 書史, Huashi 畫史, and Yanshi 硯史). Because painting and calligraphy were done on silk and paper in ancient China, they had the drawback of being easily damaged, and great importance was attached to mounting, which also facilitated the appreciation of such works. The account of mounting in Mi Fu's Huashi is a section of this work that deserves special mention, and in the history of mounting Mi Fu is second in importance only to Zhang Yanyuan 張彦遠 of the Tang.
  In the Huashi and Shushi one can gain a glimpse of Mi Fu's views on mounting, which he built up on the basis of knowledge gained through his own experience. He writes that poor mounting mars the spirit of the calligraphy.The influence of his theory of mounting extended to later ages, and discussions of mounting following his theories can be found in works such as the Dongtian qinglu ji 洞天清祿集 by Zhao Xigu 趙希鵠 of the Southern Song, the Nancun chuogeng lu 南村輟耕録 by Tao Zongyi 陶宗儀 of the Yuan, and the Qing bizang 清祕藏 by Zhao Yingwen 趙應文 of the Ming. In addition, Mi Fu's views of mounting also have a contemporary significance, and in the Huashi one can find statements that are consistent with the present-day policy of preserving the status quo when restoring cultural assets.
  In this article, I analyze Mi Fu's views of mounting with reference to his Huashi and Shushi, clarifying differences and points of contact with present-day preservation and restoration of cultural assets and present-day mounting. I also touch as much as possible on the restoration of silk and paper, scroll rollers and their end attachments, and old paintings and calligraphy.

抄録全体を表示

The Six Dynasties was a period of considerable importance in the history of Chinese painting. In spite of this, it has been difficult to clarify a concrete image of the period due to the lack of extant examples. Thus, past research on Six Dynasties painting has tended to restrict itself mainly to abstract theory centered on descriptions from painting histories and theory. The lacquer screens excavated from the Sima Jinlong grave in Datong, Shanxi Province in 1965 are original Six Dynasties works which can be dated the eighth year of the Dahe era (484) in the Northern Wei dynasty, and are therefore examples of exceptional value to painting research. This paper makes clear the pictorial character of these lacquer screens by consideration of their content and expression. For the subject matter of most of these screen paintings is a visual representation of the Confucian moral viewpoint, based on the moral principles popular in the Han period. Also, when they are compared to works with similar themes, such as "Admonitions to the Court Ladies" (Nushizhen, in the British Museum), attributed to Gu Kaizhi, and "Illustrious Women" (Lienu, in Beijing Palace Museum), one can see that there are similarities in expression and Composition. Comparison shows that three works all belong to the same type of painting, and clearly shows us one aspect of Six Dynasties painting.

抄録全体を表示

In order to place the origins of the leaders who founded the Tang Dynasty within the Western Wei-Northern Zhou period, the Guanlong 関隴 group has argued that it was the "bazhuguojia" 八柱国家 that formed the core of political power and bore the main burden of supporting and preserving the dynasty through early Tang times. This "bazhuguojia" refers to the families of the eight generalissimos of the zhuguo 柱国 rank listed at the end of Chapter 16 (史臣曰条) of the Zhoushu 周書, with the holder of real power under the Western Wei, Yuwentai 宇文泰, leading the list, followed by Lihu 李虎, the grandfather of the founder of the Tang dynasty. However, both the members and order of this listing of the eight zhuguo and twelve great generalissimos (大将軍) in Chapter 16(and also Chapter 60 [論曰条] of the Beishi (北史) does not correspond to other sources, while the actual term "Bazhuguojia" does not appear in the other sources until the Zhenguan 貞観 era (620s -640s AD), suggesting definite discrepancies in the Zhoushu text. What gave rise to these discrepancies is the creation of the content and order of the listing after the beginning of the Tang period motivated by the Tang imperial family's hope of raising its authority. What made such a move necessary was the original Zhenguanzhizuzhi 貞観氏族志, the compilation of which began in 632 (Zhenguan 6), ranking the Tang imperial family below Cuimingan 崔民幹, resulting in the creation of the "bazhuguojia" concept in response. This is why the term appears in the source materials only after the compilation was begun and a new order that sought legitimization of Tang dynasty authority in the Western Wei period was created and laid out in Chapter 16 of the Zhoushu relating the exploits of the eight zhuguo generalissimos. The revised edition of the Zhenguanzhizuzhi conforms to this new order by ranking the Tang imperial family first above all. Therefore, given the fact that Chapter 16 is more interested in legitimizing the Tang imperial family than describing the great families of the Western Wei period, it is necessary for historians of the period the rethink the viewpoints put forth by the Guanlong group regarding political history from the Western Wei to the Tang period based on that text and reexamine the idea that the origins of the fubing 府兵 system of military conscription can be found in the tradition set down by the eight "bazhuguo" generalissimos.

抄録全体を表示

This paper demonstrates the following:
(1) In the Former Han _??__??_ Period the i _??_ which the common people engaged in as chêng-shuo _??__??_ consisted of the three kinds; kêng-shuo _??__??_ shu-pien _??__??_ and chêng_??_. Kêng-fu_??__??_ which is found in Han-shu Shih-huo-chi _??__??__??__??__??_ means the engagement in the three kinds of i _??_, the period of engagement in each of i _??_ being a month per annum. The people who did not engage in i _??_ paid the government san-pai-wên _??__??__??_ for each of i _??_.
(2) The i _??_ of shu-pien_??__??_ was actually imposed for a year in rotation, as the result of which many cheng-shuo _??__??_ paid san-pai-wen _??__??__??_ to the government without engaging in the i _??_. This i _??_ was also imposed upon male members of families of high-ranking officials.
(3) The chêng-shuo _??__??_ were supplied with living expenses by the government during the period of their engagement in i _??_.
(4) The i _??_ of chêng _??_ was imposed not only upon the common people but also upon low-ranking professional soldiers selected as such from among the common people, who engaged exclusively in the i _??_ of chêng_??_. The common people who engaged in this i _??_ were called wei-shuo _??__??_, while the low-ranking professional soldiers who engaged in this i _??_ were called wei-shih _??__??_, the duties of the latter i _??_ being a high-grade one in comparison with those of the former.
(5) The common people, upon completion of the period of the cheng-shuo's _??__??_ engagement, still engaged in easy i _??_ for some years as hsien-shuo _??__??_.
(6) Elimination of Shu-shuo-ling _??__??__??_ in 167 B. C., i.e. in the 13th year of Emperor Wên-ti _??__??_ in the Han _??_ Dynasty means the lessening of the i _??_ of shu-pien _??__??_ and Chêng_??_, which is related to the intention of moving the common people to the northern borders of territory of the Han _??_ Empire to make them take up garrison duties.

抄録全体を表示

In this essay, on the investigation of the scale of peasant mulberry tree plantation during China's Ritsuryo period, the author states that about 50 trees constituted the average amount per household, whereas 100-200 indicated a fairly large landowner, and a 1000 level plantation was considerably rare. From these results the author concludes that the item of the Agricultural Law (田令) of 731 contained in the T'ung-tien (通典) which states that one row (畝) of mulberry trees on the land held in perpetuity (永業田) contained over 50 trees, is not at all realistic, and therefore that the unit, "per row" (毎畝), is not applicable in this case. For the peasants working equally apportioned lands (均田) which had very low rates of kubunden (公分田) apportionment, it was the general practice to grow various grains and beans between the mulberry trees on the land held in perpetuity which had a higher percentage of kubunden apportionment. For this reason, the alleged scarcity of mulberry trees on lands held in perpetuity really poses no problem for such peasants. With respect to sericulture, spring sericulture was the established custom during this period, whereas summer silkworms, even though seen here and there in the Chiangnam (江南) region, were generally not raised. Summer sericulture is not an easy task in itself and, even though silk floss can be produced from the cocoons, the threads obtained are so brittle and weak that they could probably be used only for personal consumption in the weaver's household. For this reason, the assertion that summer sericulture was not only widespread but also the object of taxation cannot be proven. In the Southern Sung (南宋 1127-1279), summer sericulture became more popular to a certain degree in the regions of Chiangnam and Liangche (両浙). In contrast to this, in northern China under the Chin (金) Court (1115-1234), autumn sericulture began to be carried out, and this breakthrough may be considered as one important factor in the growth of sericulture-mulberry planting and silk-cotton weaving during China's later periods.

抄録全体を表示

The main regions of sericulture and thus silk production, in the T'ang 唐 dynasty were the Ho-nan 河南 and Ho-pei 河北 circuits. Ho-nan had developed as an advanced sericulture and silk production region ever since the Han 漢 Dynasty. Its central areas were Sung-chou 宋州 and po-chou 亳州. The southern and central parts of Ho-pei developed along generally similar lines as Ho-nan circuit. When they suffered from the revolt of the Wu-hu Shih-liu-kuo 五胡 十六国, they became the object of deep concern on the part of the rulers. From after the implementation of the Chun-tien 均田 system in the Pei-wei 北魏 up to the age of Lu-ling 律令 system they were highly regarded as a valuable source of national finances or object of accumulated wealth by bureaucrats and aristocrats. This practice spread to the northern part of Ho-pei also. Meanwhile, sericulture and silk production slowly spread to Huai-nan 淮南 and Shan-nan 山南 circuits in the south and to all of Ssuch'uan 四川 in the west. But compared to the silk produced in the main regions, their silk was inferior both in quality and quantity. It is said that sericulture and silk production in the Kuan-chung 関中 region had already declined by the Kai-yuan 開元 (713-41) period. But, as the government showed concern over their condition, they were nonetheless maintained to a considerable degree up until the Sung 宋 Dynasty. In the Chiang-nan 江南 region, especially the Yang-tzu delta, the sericulture industry had produced a special high quality silk cloth from before the T'ang Dynasty. Sericulture here had, as in Ch'eng-tu 成都 and its vicinity in Ssu-ch'uan, a tax payment function, and so was intimately related to court control. Sericulture was not commonly practiced in the villages. Even when it was practiced, it was simply for a family's own use. The quality thus can easily be imagined to have been extremely low. Here, also, linen was used for daily clothing, and so it was used for paying taxes, at an exchange rate set for it in place of silk, by the government. In the middle reaches of the Yang-tzu-River there were few parts of Chiang-hsi 江西 and Hu-nan 湖南 that practiced sericulture. In fact, but for the one area of Feng-chou 〓州, there was no sericulture in all of Hu-nan. To the south, in Fu-chien 福建 and Ling-nan 嶺南, there was hardly any sericulture right up to the Sung. And, in Fu-chien cotton growing replaced sericulture during the Nan-sung 南宋. In sum, the stretch of time from the Chin 秦 and Han Dynasties right up to the Lu-ling System was the age of linen in China. Sericulture and silk production, first centered in the Ho-nan and Ho-pei circuits gradually spread out to the surrounding areas. From the latter half of the T'ang up to the end of the Pei-sung 北宋 they spread rapidly in the direction of Chiang-nan, especially the Liang-che 両浙 and Chiang-hsi regions. The practice of sericulture and the amount of silk cloth produced increased so greatly, that China then entered its age of silk. Such an increase was mainly due to two developments. First, the Chiang-nan area became the economic base of the empire and the source of government wealth. Secondly, many new developments in sericulture methods appeared in the Chiang-nan area. Many concrete examples of both developments can be given.

抄録全体を表示

In this voluminous treatise Dr. Nakada intends to supply some points which were left untouched in his two recently published treatises:. " Opinions on, the old Japanese Law-including some views on Chinese legal History " .(in Vol. I of this Review) pp. 4-12, pp. 21-28, and. " Evolution of the Chinese Legal System " (Comparative Law Review, . Vol. I. No. 4.). The author makes efforts, as in the previous treatises, . to treat the subjects synthetically and in a wide prospect. Historical and constructive thinking, sharp and profound, of a great scholar runs through the whole pages. Indeed, we find in it the best description ever known of the general history of the Chinese legal system and philosophy from the beginning to the era of Tang dynasty. It is. almost impossible, to summarize its contents here. Only a brief mention shall be made of the subjects it discusses.
The treatise is divided into two parts.
Part 1. On the law of premium and penalty, before Chin Shihhuang-ti.
The author grasps the general character of the law in ancient China-as the law of premium and penalty. He says that these two were the main means in the hands of feudal sovereigns by which they governed their states, penalty being the more important one ; laws, which were no other than declarations of the sovereign will, were enforced by penalty directly or indirectly. Next the author follows various trends. of legal philosophy one by one : that of the traditional Chinese orthodoxy, and those of Kuan-tzu (_??__??_), Chuang-tzu (_??__??_), Shen-tzu (_??__??_), Yin-wen-tzu Shen-pu-hai (_??__??__??_), Shang-tzu (_??__??_), and Han-fei-tzu (_??__??__??_). And summarizes points of each doctrine by clear words. He also picks up paragraphs of law which remains in the. lines of classics and classifies them according to their concerns.
Part 2. On the origin and development of the Lü-Linq (_??__??_) Codes. from Han to Tang dynasty.
The author endeavours above all to clear up questions about the legal system in Han dynasty. It has already been discussed in his late treatises that, in Han, Lü (_??_) was the fundamental code while Ling (_??_) was the supplimentary code consisting of occasional ordinances of Emperors, the distinction between the two not being penal and non-penal codes as is generally conceived, and the latter distinction beginning in Chin (_??_) dynasty. In the present treatise, he consolidates that opinion of his by solving, - with admirable -clarity, many questions in details, which have long puzzled Chinese and Japanese scholars and which have not been thoroughly solved in -the author's previous treatises. Furthermore, he refers to K'o (_??_) and Pi (_??_) :-Pi -meaned judicial precedents in general, some of which were authorized through a sort of law-making procedure and were called K'o. Therefore K'o was a sort of supplimentary laws to the Lü-Ling codes. K'o, which -dates from Han dynasty, became in Northern Wei (_??__??_) also called Ko (_??_). In Sui (_??_) dynasty Ko became a special kind of code which modified Lü and Ling, at the same time, Shih (_??_) or the code regulating details of bureaucratic business was compiled, and so was accomplished the well known system of four codes Lü-Ling-Ko-Shih. in Sui and Tang era. (Shuzo. Shiga)

抄録全体を表示