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  • 佐藤 公彦
    史学雑誌
    1982年 91 巻 1 号 43-80,145-143
    発行日: 1982/01/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー

    Eight trigrams sect (Pa-kua-chiao 八卦教) was the most popular religious secret society in north China through the Ch'ing dynasty, and in the process of its expansion we can often find a lot of boxing training by its members. In this paper we will consider the relationship between the Eight trigrams sect and boxing training such as I-ho-chuan (義和拳), etc.. Eight trigrams sect is said to have been founded by a man called Li Ting-yu (李廷玉) in either the Shun Chih (順治) or Kang Hsi (康煕) reign periods at the beginning of the Ch'ing dynasty. It was organized according to the principle of the division into eight trigrams, and also divided into a "Wen" (文) or literary sect, and a "Wu" (武) or military one which had widely developed itself ; the society consisted of four "Wen" trigrams and four "Wu" trigrams. The combination of Eight trigrams sect and boxing training had already taken place in early Yung Cheng (雍正) period. In the Wang Lun (王倫) rebellion (1774), which was raised by a society called Ching-Shui-Chiao (清水教), a branch of the Eight trigrams sect, the boxing styles used inside the sect had been Pa-kua-chuan (八卦拳, Eight trigrams boxing), Chi-hsin-hung-chuan (七星紅拳 Seven star red boxing), and I-he-chuan (義合拳, Righteous harmony boxing). From this we can see that the I-ho-chuan was the same as the White Lotus religion or more precisely as the boxing which had combined with the military sect of Eight trigrams sect, Ching-Shui-chiao. From the incident of the I-ho-chuan in 1778, 1783 and 1786, we can guess that the I-ho-chuan had close relationship with the Li (離) trigram, a branch of the Eight trigrams sect. In 1813, Eight trigrams sect raised an uprising. A careful examination of the materials on the boxing in this uprising such sources as those on general leader of the military sect, Feng Ke-shan (馮克善), the group members led by Sung Yueh-lung (宋躍〓) and the case of Ke Li-yeh (葛立業) who learned and practiced I-ho school boxing (義和門拳棒), show that I-ho school boxing had been practiced inside Sung Yueh-lung's group in the Chili-Shantung boundary area, and that this group belonged to the chain of Li trigram. Hence we can easily identify the I-ho school as one of small regional group in the Li trigram in Eight trigrams sect. It becomes clear that the reason why boxing was combined with the Li trigram, representative of Wu trigrams, depends on the principle of organization. The boxing practiced in the Eight trigrams sect had been influenced by its religious thought, and came to have incantationary-religious characteristics, The I-ho-chuan and Eight trigrams sect in Chin-hsiang (金郷) county seem as though they were in conflict, but this example proves that there was a close relationship between the two. It is clear that historically boxing such as the I-ho-chuan, Pa-kua-chuan, etc., expanded widely in the north-west Chili-Shantung boundary area and south-west region of Shantung, by maintaining continuous relationship with Eight trigrams sect. Another phenomenon, however, also appeared. Social disturbance and confusion after the late Tao-Kuang (道光) period, brought about a wide expansion of the boxing training that was not directly related with Eight trigrams sect. The boxing which had combined with Eight trigrams sect, though taking on religious character, gradually started to secede from it, was accepted as a function of violence or defence in rural society. In the Hsien-Feng (咸豊) and Tung-Chih (同治) Periods, boxing which had permeated into rural society gradually came to be related to "Tuan militia" (団) and the "Allied village societies" (lianzhuanghui 連荘会) coexisted with the order of rural society, and built up the social foundation for the organization of I-ho-chuan society. Eight trigrams sect, not only scattered widely in this way, but also combined forces with bandits in the process of the mutual permeation with

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  • 梅木 松助
    日本教育学会大會研究発表要項
    1976年 35 巻 21-
    発行日: 1976/09/02
    公開日: 2018/04/20
    研究報告書・技術報告書 フリー
  • 佐藤 金兵衛
    武道学研究
    1973年 6 巻 1 号 56-57
    発行日: 1973/09/23
    公開日: 2012/11/27
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 伊藤 譲, 齋藤 正博
    機械材料・材料加工技術講演会講演論文集
    2009年 2009.17 巻
    発行日: 2009/11/06
    公開日: 2017/06/19
    会議録・要旨集 フリー
  • 原田 勝正
    社会経済史学
    1984年 50 巻 3 号 369-371
    発行日: 1984/10/30
    公開日: 2017/11/22
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 四川省と山東省の事例を中心として
    陳 永福, 西頭 徳三, 松岡 淳
    農林業問題研究
    1997年 32 巻 Supplement5 号 71-74
    発行日: 1997年
    公開日: 2011/09/05
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 井上 道弘, 竹本 豊樹, 定松 英明, 松沢 昭
    テレビジョン学会技術報告
    1982年 6 巻 32 号 91-96
    発行日: 1982年
    公開日: 2017/10/02
    研究報告書・技術報告書 フリー
  • 燃料協会誌
    1925年 4 巻 8 号 826-830
    発行日: 1925年
    公開日: 2010/06/28
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 森 鹿三, 山澄 元
    人文地理
    1960年 12 巻 2 号 143-156
    発行日: 1960/04/30
    公開日: 2009/04/28
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 赤井 敬三
    氣象集誌. 第1輯
    1906年 25 巻 2 号 37-47
    発行日: 1906/02/28
    公開日: 2009/02/05
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 木村 直博, 藤岡 清登
    日本放射線技術学会雑誌
    2004年 60 巻 10 号 1361-1368
    発行日: 2004/10/20
    公開日: 2017/06/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 山本 広志, 長田 武平, 河本 新太郎, 吉田 宏, 日比野 三成
    化学教育シンポジウム
    1954年 3 巻 22-25
    発行日: 1954年
    公開日: 2017/09/27
    解説誌・一般情報誌 フリー
  • 森 鹿三
    人文地理
    1958年 10 巻 1 号 37-50
    発行日: 1958/04/30
    公開日: 2009/04/28
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 佐々木 衛
    民族學研究
    1985年 50 巻 2 号 215-220
    発行日: 1985/09/30
    公開日: 2018/03/27
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 内山 雅生
    社会経済史学
    1979年 45 巻 1 号 31-56
    発行日: 1979/06/30
    公開日: 2017/07/15
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
    Various Ti-fang-chih, newspapers, and researches into the early republican era of China show that, in the beginning of the 20th century, the farm products of Shantung Province were rapidly transformed from wheat, soybeans, and sorghum into cash-crops: tabacco, peanuts, and cotton. And, in 1910's, and 1920's, it has been held, the forced cultivation of the cash-crops upon the peasantry hindered development of capitalistic agricultural production there. Criticizing the common view mentioned above, Mr.Koichi Yoshida, in his article, "The Chinese Tabacco Cultivation in Shantung Province of the early 20th Century" (The Bulletin of the Faculty of Education, Shizuoka Univ., Liberal Arts and Social Sciences, Series, No. 28, 1977), insists that the management of those who cultivated the cash-crops was not a poverty-management, but an almost capitalistic management centering on the tobacco cultivation. I do not agree either to the common view or to Mr.Yoshida's opinion, because both of them treat only one side of the agricultural management in modern China. My proposition, derived from the results of various investigations, is as follows: in the villages of modern China, the factors toward and against capitalistic agricultural management are complicatedly related; and the two sides of opposition to and dependence on it can be seen in the agricultural management at this time. Trying to prove the proposition, I deal with the following three points: 1. Beginning and Progress of the Tobacco Cultivation in Modern China. 2. Its actual conditions in Shantung Province. 3. Activities of British-American Tobacco Campany China and of Commercial Capital in China. As materials for this paper, I use various researches made by Japanese in 1930's and 1940's as well as the results of the investigations of Chinese villages made by Japanese in 1910's and the investigation by Chen Han-Seng in 1930's (Industrial Capital and Chinese Peasant, Kelly and Walsh, Limited, 1939 ).
  • 吉澤 誠一郎
    史学雑誌
    1994年 103 巻 5 号 874-882
    発行日: 1994/05/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 菅沼 正久
    土地制度史学
    1963年 5 巻 3 号 1-21
    発行日: 1963/04/20
    公開日: 2017/09/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    1958年の下半年に成立した人民公社は,国の工業化がたちおくれた,しかも農業生産力水準が低い,そのような社会主義国家での集団所有制の組織である.そうしたある意味では特異な条件のもとでの農業組織として,人民公社が成立してからのちは,中国農業研究の主題は,人民公社そのものの研究とともに,人民公社の成立にいたる過程で,国民経済の後進的諸条件が,社会主義農業組織の展開にたいして,どのような特異性をもたらすかの分析を正面におしだすことになった.小論は,そのような問題意識にたって,人民公社の成立にいたる過程を,農業金融の側面から実証的に研究することを試みたものである.したがって,農業金融をふくめて,金融研究がその研究対象のゆえに,具体的な経済現象を,抽象な指標において捉えざるをえないにもかかわらず,小論においては,貨幣流通の展開されるメカニズムそのものに,重点をおくことになった.しかし,中国農村における社会主義金融の展開にかんする研究は,当然のことながら,農業の再生産過程における貨幣の流通,金利体系と金利の経済学的研究をふくまなくてはならないが,この研究の部分は他日にゆずる.
  • M.K.
    造船協会雑纂
    1939年 202 巻 34-41
    発行日: 1939/01/15
    公開日: 2018/04/21
    解説誌・一般情報誌 フリー
  • 江 本硯, 藤川 昌樹
    日本建築学会計画系論文集
    2013年 78 巻 693 号 2321-2328
    発行日: 2013/11/30
    公開日: 2014/07/10
    ジャーナル フリー
    Acacia, False Aacacia and Platanus Acerifolia were three main kinds of street trees planted in Qingdao before the WWII. All of these three kinds of trees were imported to Qingdao from Germany by the German governors since 1898. By doing this, the street landscape in Berlin was reproduced in its colony Qingdao. It turned out that rather than planting trees of their own countries, Acacia, False Aacacia and Platanus Acerifolia were continuously planted in the new areas of Qingdao by Japan and the Republic of China government later. The reason why the continuity of street landscape was well kept is probably because that the street trees were considered as quite important links between the new and old town. However, due to the political reasons, there were no street trees planted in the area where Chinese lived. This problem had not been solved until Qingdao was recovered by the Republic of China government. Nowadays, Cedar is increasingly planted in Qingdao's street and a new feature of street landscape is being created in the city.
  • 初歩的考察
    濱島 敦俊
    法制史研究
    1983年 1983 巻 33 号 1-60,en3
    発行日: 1984/03/30
    公開日: 2009/11/16
    ジャーナル フリー
    In the Ming and the Qing periods all the local administration offices, such as fu _??_ (prefecture), zhou _??_ (subprefecture) and xian _??_ (county), had only one prison, jian _??_, each within their formal institutions. In the late Ming and the early Qing periods, however, we find the existence of another, different type of prisons, generally called pu _??_ in the Jiangnan provinces, and also called cang _??_ in the other provinces.
    These new jails were not legally authorized, but were instituted by each local administration office of its own accord. The high officials of provincial level, such as xunfu _??__??_ (Grand Coordinator) and xun'an _??__??_ (Regional Inspector), treated and utilized these new jails virtually as the institutional section of local administration office, and sometimes ordered that not only jian but also pu or cang should be inspected at regular intervals. In the Xunzhi _??__??_ reign, the bureaucrats of both the central and the local governments frequently referred to these jails in their memorials submitted to the Emperor. We may conclude from this that these jails were practically, though not legally, as good as authorized by the Emperor and the ministers of the Qing central government. In the late Kangxi _??__??_ reign, however, the Emperor gave a consent to the proposal, submitted by a scholar-bureaucrat, Zhou Qingyuan _??__??__??_, that a ban should be placed against instituting and utilizing the illegal jails, such as pu, cang, suo _??_, dian _??_, ce _??_ and so on. And this prohibition became an express provision in the Great Qing Codes after the Yongzhen _??__??_ reign. But the local officials obeyed this ban only ostensibly, and actually and practically ignored it. Thus the illegal jails continued to exist through the middle and late Qing period under the names of zixinsuo _??__??__??_, shoujinsuo _??__??__??_ and so on.
    In this article the author has investigated into the existence or non-existence of these informal jails in each province of the mainland China in the late Ming and the early Qing periods. As to the Provinces of Jiangsu, Anhui, Zhejiang, Hebei, Henan, Shangdong, Shanxi _??__??_ and Fujian, the existence of this new type of jails during these periods has been confirmed in all or some of their subprefectures and counties. In Guangdong, this new type of jails seems to have been still in the process of growth, and in Hubei, Hunan, Jiangxi and Sichuan it was not yet instituted. As to the other provinces, such as Shanxi _??__??_ Guangxi, Yunnan and Guizhou, the author has no source materials from which to conclude. In the author's opinion, the growth of this new type of jails was closely connected with the social, economic and political change taking place among the rural communities of these days, a change characterized by the collapse of the power of the rural-landlord class.
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