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  • 古文書による百年前の酒造り
    日本釀造協會雜誌
    1957年 52 巻 6 号 417-420
    発行日: 1957年
    公開日: 2011/11/04
    ジャーナル フリー
  • めうが [二]
    宮南 裕
    家事と衛生
    1936年 12 巻 2 号 66-72
    発行日: 1936/02/01
    公開日: 2010/10/13
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 宮南 裕
    家事と衛生
    1936年 12 巻 1 号 87-91
    発行日: 1936/01/01
    公開日: 2010/10/13
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 木元 良七
    日本釀造協會雜誌
    1924年 19 巻 3 号 52-58
    発行日: 1924年
    公開日: 2011/11/04
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 和田 篤憲
    日本釀造協會雜誌
    1931年 26 巻 7 号 35-39
    発行日: 1931/07/15
    公開日: 2011/11/04
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 佐藤 悟郎
    釀造協會雜誌
    1907年 2 巻 7 号 567-574
    発行日: 1907/07/10
    公開日: 2011/12/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 床見世・河岸地・明地の統制をめぐって
    髙橋 元貴
    建築史学
    2022年 79 巻 2-29
    発行日: 2022年
    公開日: 2023/10/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 有田 博之
    農村計画学会論文集
    2024年 4 巻 1 号 17-26
    発行日: 2024年
    公開日: 2024/03/25
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス

    Kinjiro Ninomiya is known as the developer and implementer of the Hotoku-Shiho, a representative method for restoring devastated farming villages that were widespread at the end of the Edo period. Kinjiro created a new planning system using objective and rational methods and significantly influenced the efforts of his contemporaries. Hotoku-Shiho is a comprehensive planning project that integrates civil engineering projects and economic and social measures, with the aim of increasing the number of people by creating employment through the development of wasteland and rebuilding the territory and finances by rotating income from the developed land. The Hotoku-Shiho-Hinagata (HSH), the subject of this study, is a handbook that focuses on the economic and social means and strategies of the Hotoku-Shiho and contains ideas and methods by Kinjiro. In this paper, I organized and introduced the structure and contents of the HSH and then discussed the characteristics of ideas and methods by Kinjiro from the perspective of Hotoku-Shiho as a rural planning method, focusing on the following two aspects. First, to expand the number of independent middle-class farmers, which is the basis of the rural reconstruction of the Hotoku-Shiho, the HSH carefully prepared measures to support the livelihood reconstruction necessary for struggling farmers to continue farming. Second, tabulation of the mathematically predicted values enabled to concretely set goals and evaluate the degree of achievement.

  • ――曲直瀬玄朔『当門下法則 内七ヵ条学寮之法度』について――
    進藤 浩司
    印度學佛教學研究
    2016年 64 巻 2 号 657-661
    発行日: 2016/03/20
    公開日: 2017/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 深井 吉兵衛
    日本釀造協會雜誌
    1954年 49 巻 2 号 58-61
    発行日: 1954/02/15
    公開日: 2011/11/04
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 北地 祐幸, 渡辺 貴介, 羽生 冬佳
    都市計画論文集
    2000年 35 巻 85-90
    発行日: 2000/10/25
    公開日: 2018/02/01
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
    This paper aims to clarify location structure of commercial space in the 19th century Edo. The distribution of a store of those days, and the situation of prosperity was analyzed Edo shopping guidance book and the Pictorial map of the Edo famous sights. Finding are as follows. 1) The distribution form of every type of industry can be classified into four types. Moreover, the central commercial district was constituted by store which sold various goods, and the store carried out the diversified management with the big capital. 2) The contents of composition of the goods of each town can be classified into five types. 3) By connecting the prosperity with other element, the commerce integration district is consistent.
  • 島崎 未央
    史学雑誌
    2015年 124 巻 10 号 1736-1764
    発行日: 2015/10/20
    公開日: 2017/07/31
    ジャーナル フリー

    During its late premodern era, Osaka became a national center of seed oil and oilseed commodity distribution, and served as the primary supplier of retail seed oil to the massive consumer market in Edo. In regulating the seed oil market, the Tokugawa Bakufu adopted a dual policy: first, attempting to lower the price of seed oil by concentrating supply in Osaka; and secondly, working to guarantee a stable supply of low-priced oilseed to a group of officially sanctioned oil producers. Seed oil producers and distributors were organized into licensed trade organizations in Meiwa 7 (1770) under the newly enacted Regulations for the Oil Trade (Aburakata Shiho 油方仕法) which prescribed who could supply the seed used for oil production. With the implementation of these regulations, a national distribution network centering on Osaka was for all intents and purposes established. The Meiwa 7 Regulations and the subsequent implementation of Revised Regulations Trade in Tempo 3 (1832) comprise the two major turning points in the history of seed oil market regulation. Historians first began to focus on the heavily regulated market for seed oil in the 1950s, when the study of markets under the Tokugawa Bakufu rose to prominence. In particular, their research focused on examples of seed oil distribution in an effort to analyze the transformation and dissolution of the Bakufu system. However, this research tended to examine the problem of seed oil distribution only from the perspective of official policy. Consequently, it failed to sufficiently elucidate the specific characteristics of the various urban and rural groups that were involved in seed oil production and distribution, and thus inaccurately describe the late premodern seed oil market as one characterized by a clash between a dominant group of specially licensed urban merchants and an ever-increasing number of rural seed oil producers and distributors who challenged their dominance. In contrast, this article focuses on the late premodern Osakabased oilseed distribution network. Through an examination of Bakufu directives (machibure 町触) issued by the Osaka Town Functionary (Machibugyo 町奉行) and the Preamble to the Licensed Trade Association List (Kabu-Nakama Namaecho Maegaki 株仲間名前帳前書), the author attempts to elucidate the structure of the Tokugawa-era oilseed market, with a theoretical focus on the mutually restrictive relationship between law and society. The analysis has resulted in a number of conclusions. First, it has confirmed that early seventeenth-century oilseed wholesalers were little more than diversified wholesalers trading not only oilseed but also other grains and cereals. Secondly, the analysis demonstrates that the licenses granted to certain oilseed merchants by the Bakufu in Horeki 9 (1759) represents an important turning point in the history of the seed oil market, because it helped strengthen the efforts on the part of those merchants to establish trade associations. Third, through a close examination of the aforementioned Preamble to the Licensed Trade Associations List, the author shows that the creation of licensed trade associations in Meiwa 7 neither granted privileges to all Osaka-based merchants and wholesalers involved in the seed oil and oilseed trade, nor did it result in the subordination of Settsu, Kawachi, Izumi-based seed oil producers to trade association merchants and wholesalers. Rather the Meiwa 7 act reflected policy ultimately designed to guarantee the Osaka Town Functionary control over a distribution network centering on Osaka. Fourth, by tracing the development of unsanctioned oil producers in Western Japan, the author elucidates how the character of the official duties performed by oilseed wholesalers and the structure of their trade associations changed as a result of the call for seed oil self-sufficiency in Settsu, Kawachi, and Izumi Provinces. Finally, the author shows that while a

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  • 廣島財務局鑑定部
    日本釀造協會雜誌
    1944年 39 巻 1 号 33-44
    発行日: 1944/01/15
    公開日: 2011/12/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 日本情報ディレクトリ学会誌
    2022年 20 巻 1 号 103-108
    発行日: 2022/03/31
    公開日: 2022/05/20
    ジャーナル フリー
  • その歴史的解説
    吉原 精行
    日本釀造協會雜誌
    1961年 56 巻 7 号 678-683
    発行日: 1961/07/15
    公開日: 2011/11/04
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 宝暦期の甲府塩問屋再興一件を素材として
    南 隆哲
    交通史研究
    2017年 90 巻 1-26
    発行日: 2017年
    公開日: 2021/01/31
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 菊池 武
    印度學佛教學研究
    1991年 39 巻 2 号 761-764
    発行日: 1991/03/20
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 山田 正一
    日本釀造協會雜誌
    1954年 49 巻 2 号 52-58
    発行日: 1954/02/15
    公開日: 2011/11/04
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 加藤 貴
    比較都市史研究
    2016年 35 巻 1 号 20-21
    発行日: 2016年
    公開日: 2017/10/27
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 小林 信也
    史学雑誌
    1994年 103 巻 8 号 1464-1491,1570-
    発行日: 1994/08/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    In the present article, the author describes the use of riverfront land (kashichi 河岸地) in areas of Edo occupied by common townsfolk (machikata 町方) during the middle and late kinsei period in Japan and analyzes the legal relationships which formed around such land utilization. In the townships of Edo where shipping played an important role, the existence of riverfront land within their borders was deemed to be an excellent opportunity for the growth of local economic prosperity. Despite its importance, however, the subject of this land type has not been very well covered in the existing research literature. Furthermore, in the research that has been done on this subject, one finds no analysis of those persons who were directly involved in the use of the riverfront, leaving us with no idea of how this land type was connected to the unique societal features of the townships of Edo. Now, with the growing interest in the study of the spatial aspects of urban history, it is time we looked in depth at this particulal. portion of town geomorphology in the city of Edo. The author's specific problematic concerning this theme involves a consideration of urban space as mutually determining and being determined by the various social activities of its occupants : thus his interest in analyzing the space known as kashichi in relation to machikata social formation. To begin with, in principle all riverfront land in Edo was placed under the proprietorship of the Tokugawa Bakufu ; however, the owners of residences bordering this land were given occupational rights over it. These local landlords, as the recognized occupiers of this land, were therefore responsible for initiating litigation procedures whenever the Bakufu attempted to restrict utilization and were burdened with the cost of keeping the waterways in the vicinity navigable. This latter task, involving dredging work, provided a way in which to legitimize a landlord's occupational rights over a particular stretch of riverfront. Historically speaking, while at the beginning of the Edo period most occupiers of riverfront located in the central city were actually residing near there, along about the second half of the seventeenth century, we find almost all of them in absentia living somewhere else. At the same time, we find them becoming less and less interested in the problems concerning riverfront utilization and therefore attempting to avoid any responsibility for necessary litigation or dredging work. On the other hand, those merchants and artisans directly dependent on riverfront land for their livelihood in the capacity of tenants or renters became alienated from its occupational rights, as well as from subjects of litigation over the maintenance or expansion of riverfront use. In the present article, the author focuses on the riverfront area known as Shin-Sakanaba 新肴場 located in the township of Honzaimoku-cho 本材木町, in order to present a case study of how the legal structure concerning riverfront use changed in the midst of restrictions imposed by the Bakufu during the Tempo Era reforms (1830-43). We see how the holders of the occupational rights of Shin-Sakanaba initiated litigation in resistance to the Bakufu's tightening of restrictions, but soon withdrew their complaint, thus forcing the area's tenants, a group of fish wholesalers, to start legal proceedings of their own. It was also at this moment that the fish wholesalers also took responsibility for local dredging work. In the end, these tenants won their case and at the same time were successful in capturing the occupational rights over half of the area. Here the author shows the collapse of a structure of legal rights through a "hollowing out" of a society of absentee town landlords, who were the original residents, and also the appearance of locally-based communities bound together by "legitimate" store-front owners.
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