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  • 外部依存による治安部門の脆弱性
    嶋田 晴行
    アジア研究
    2010年 56 巻 3 号 45-58
    発行日: 2010/07/31
    公開日: 2014/09/15
    ジャーナル フリー
    Nine years after the collapse of the Taliban regime, the hope and optimism that the Afghan people held prior to the presidential election in 2004 seem to have declined. The deteriorating security situation has demanded the reconstruction and expansion of the security sector (national army and police) as the top priority. In fact, some measures, such as increasing the number of army and police staff members, have been taken, but the improvement in the quality is at a standstill. Accordingly, the dependence of the security sector of Afghanistan on the NATO-led International Security Assistance Forces (ISAF) has been increasing.
    Even though there has been no distinct change in the fragile fiscal structures, which historically rely greatly on external assistance, a policy of upgrading the facilities, equipment, training, and salary levels in the security sector will create further pressure. Moreover, questions will be raised about the sustainability.
    In order to achieve successful state-building, restoring security and confidence in the government is crucial. In addition, it is necessary to establish a self-reliant fiscal structure. Nevertheless, things have not progressed well due to the worsening security situation in Afghanistan.
    However, because of increasing casualities and fiscal pressure, scepticism about assistance to Afghanistan has grown among the countries that have provided considerable inputs to Afghanistan. As a result, the governments of Canada and the Netherlands have announced timelines for withdrawal of their military units. Moreover, even the US declared its intention to start withdrawal of its military presence in the summer of 2011 in exchange for a short-term additional dispatch and further assistance to the Afghan security sector.
    Such a strengthening of assistance in the Afghan security sector would be a ‘localization’ of the security affairs and an ‘exit strategy’ for foreign stakeholders. However, this strategy cannot be achieved in a short period of time. Eventually, dependency on external resources will continue.
    Such dependency will result in an unstable situation in Afghanistan because external assistance tends to fluctuate due to political and economic reasons. Therefore, drawing a blueprint for Afghanistan’s future is a difficult task. However, stabilization in Afghanistan will contribute to regional stabilization in the Middle East, Central Asia and South Asia. Appealing to external stakeholders to share the burden and accept long-term involvement with Afghanistan is the key to success in Afghan state-building.
  • 吉原 令子
    英米文化
    2004年 34 巻 179-199
    発行日: 2004/03/31
    公開日: 2017/06/20
    ジャーナル フリー
    As American main-streamed feminists step in the Third World women's issues, they often ignore the grass-roots women's movement in the Third World and believe that they are the one who can and must deal with these issues in the name of "human rights" and "sisterhood." Their arrogant attitudes toward the Third World women bring a strong antipathy against American feminists because they are deeply connected with hegemony and post-colonialism. By explaining Hosken's and Walker's post-colonial perspective in FGM and Feminist Majority's disregard of RAWA, I analyze how logos-centrism and English imperialism support hegemony and postcolonialism in American main-streamed feminists. I'm also concerned about the globalization and unilateralism among American feminists. I attempt to find some answer/response in Women in Black groups to resist them. Women in Black stands in a public place in silent, non-violent vigils at regular times and intervals. It is a loose network of women world-wide committed to peace with justice and actively opposed to war and other forms of violence. It is not an organization, but a means of mobilization and a formula for action. The silence and their performance represent the resistance of logos-centrism and the possibility of transnational feminism.
  • 富田 与
    四日市大学論集
    2003年 16 巻 1 号 155-172
    発行日: 2003/09/01
    公開日: 2019/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 鈴木 均
    アジア動向年報
    2011年 2011 巻 553-578
    発行日: 2011年
    公開日: 2023/02/10
    解説誌・一般情報誌 フリー HTML
  • ―アフガニスタンで登場した平和構築の新しい試みの検証―
    上杉 勇司
    国際安全保障
    2006年 34 巻 1 号 35-62
    発行日: 2006/06/30
    公開日: 2022/04/20
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 青井 千由紀
    国際安全保障
    2002年 30 巻 1-2 号 86-102
    発行日: 2002/09/30
    公開日: 2022/04/28
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 齋藤 竜太
    ロシア・ユーラシアの社会
    2022年 2022 巻 1062 号 65-83
    発行日: 2022年
    公開日: 2023/10/13
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 鈴木 均
    アジア動向年報
    2015年 2015 巻 643-668
    発行日: 2015年
    公開日: 2023/02/10
    解説誌・一般情報誌 フリー HTML
  • 周縁からの国際政治
    山根 達郎
    国際政治
    2007年 2007 巻 149 号 141-155,L16
    発行日: 2007/11/28
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    Reintegrating ex-combatants into societies is a vital component of peace support operations, which is commonly referred as the disarmament, demobilization and reintegration of ex-combatants program (DDR). The aim of this paper is to analyze how integrated societies with ex-combatants are influenced by transformation of “state governance” instigated by DDR.
    Most of articles about DDR attempt to grasp how DDR is conducted in post-conflict areas, but have not focused so much on investigating how DDR influences integrated societies with ex-combatants from a perspective of state governance. In a process of transformation of state governance in weak states, armed groups may pursue “their” own profits in peace negotiations and its implementation. This is because the aim and scope of DDR is stipulated in peace negotiations. It is important to understand here that this scope and aim of DDR is inherently a political issue influencing the overall picture of the post-conflict order, such as composition of integrated society. With this understanding that DDR is inherently a political issue, this paper illustrates the gap between those “inside” and “outside” of state governance as a result of DDR, and also attempts to recapture marginalized ex-combatants as stakeholders.
    The first section of this article defines the term “governance” as “ordering agents for profits of stakeholders, ” and then introduces the perspective of “state governance” in the discussion of nation-building in the areas after internal conflicts. Second section clarifies characteristics of “armed groups, ” and places these armed groups as stakeholders in the state governance. Armed groups are characterized as non-state actors that are not under the control of state (s) and attempt to accumulate social resources for their own profits by the use of force, which will weaken the capacity of agents for state governance to retain order.
    The article then illustrates three ways in which DDR influences the state governance: (1) peace agreements as designers of aims and scope of DDR (reconstitution of agents); (2) reconstruction of the national army and police, also referred as the security sector reforms (SSR), through screening of excombatants (ordering of state governance); and (3) reconciliation and justice inside integrated societies as ex-combatants are re-integrated into societies (reconstitution of stakeholders).
    Finally, this article examines how this particular transformation of state governance generates marginalized communities within a society: (1) some armed groups are expelled from peace agreements; (2) some commanders and political leaders of armed groups are excluded as a result of SSR; and (3) newly integrated societies hold discords within itself (i. e. gap among excombatants, gap between ex-combatants and conventional civilian and gap among ex-combatants with special needs).
  • 鈴木 均
    アジア動向年報
    2012年 2012 巻 573-598
    発行日: 2012年
    公開日: 2023/02/10
    解説誌・一般情報誌 フリー HTML
  • 青木 健太(あおき けんた)
    アジア動向年報
    2023年 2023 巻 575-596
    発行日: 2023年
    公開日: 2023/08/25
    解説誌・一般情報誌 フリー HTML
  • 鈴木 均
    アジア動向年報
    2014年 2014 巻 619-644
    発行日: 2014年
    公開日: 2023/02/10
    解説誌・一般情報誌 フリー HTML
  • 青木 健太
    ロシア・ユーラシアの社会
    2022年 2022 巻 1062 号 50-64
    発行日: 2022年
    公開日: 2023/10/13
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 山根 聡
    アジア研究
    2015年 61 巻 3 号 1-17
    発行日: 2015/07/31
    公開日: 2015/08/11
    ジャーナル フリー
    This article discusses how Pakistani society has clearly distanced itself from terrorism. On 6th January 2015, the 21st Amendment Bill passed by the National Assembly of Pakistan has officially changed the constitutional definition of “Muslim terrorist(s)” into “terrorist(s) using the name of religion”. Pakistan has been called a hub of terrorists ever since several active terrorist groups are known to be based in Pakistan – such as the Sunni extremists Tahrik-e Taliban Pakistan (Pakistan Taliban Movement, TTP) or Sipah-e Sahaba Pakistan (SSP). Some of these groups are said to be supported by the Pakistani military and claim they will establish an Islamic order in society. However, Pakistani society itself has been suffering from terror and has been mobilized in the war on terror. This paper shows the transformation of Pakistani society concerning the concept of “Islamic-ness”.

    Pakistan has been a frontline state in conflicts such as, the anti-Soviet war in Afghanistan in the 1980s, or the war on terror after 9/11. During the anti-Soviet war, Pakistan received huge financial and military assistance from both Western and Islamic countries. The Western countries supported Pakistan in the Cold War proxy war against the USSR, and Islamic countries provided assistance in the name of jihad against the Communists. In the 1980s, Muhammad Zia ul-Haq’s military regime promoted Islamization of society, a process which was never criticized by the international community which needed the Pakistani military regime’s cooperation in the war.

    Needless to say, Islam is the national religion of Pakistan and 95% of the total population of Pakistan belongs to Islam. Although the peoples of Pakistan may have different religious practices in their everyday life, all of them are attached to a firmly based monotheistic faith, and regard Muhammad as the last Prophet. However, there has generally been widespread reluctance to criticize Islamization or even Islamic extremists who kill in the name of religion. Also, terrorists often expressed their disapproval of the Pakistani government as not being “Islamic” or being a “puppet of the US”. As a result, Pakistani society has often been confused concerning the “Islamic-ness” of its own governments. This may be one of the reasons why there was not much criticism of the extremists even if they killed in the name of Allah.

    Since the tragic attack on a Peshawar school in December 2014, Pakistani society has evolved radically on that issue. Even Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, who originally supported the idea of negotiating with the terrorists, has now approved an amendment to the Constitution establishing special military courts which are to be active for a two-year period only and designed to be rapidly dealing with crimes related to terrorism. The amendment states that Pakistan is willing to permanently wipe out and eradicate terrorism from the country. This decision shows not only the firm intention of the government on its war on terror, but also the decisive break with the terrorists who monopolize the cause of religion in Pakistani society. For Pakistan, it could be said that the consequence of voting such an amendment represents the greatest social transformation ever experimented since the Islamization of the 1980s.
  • ―NATOとアフガニスタン―
    岩間 陽子
    国際政治
    2013年 2013 巻 174 号 174_125-174_138
    発行日: 2013/09/15
    公開日: 2015/07/28
    ジャーナル フリー
    The central role NATO played by ISAF (International Security Assistance Force) in Afghanistan was exceptional in its scope and intensity. The first steps of NATO into peacebuilding operations were in post Cold War Bosnia-Herzegovina and Kosovo. In these two cases, NATO remained in the role of keeping the secure environment and did not step in to the administrative and reformative roles. These were done mainly by the UN and EU.
    NATO took up its role in Afghanistan, partly in order to save the alliance from its biggest crisis. Initially, ISAF’s area of responsibility was limited to Kabul and its surroundings and its task was understood to be providing security. It soon had to take up reconstruction as local governments proved unable to provide basic services.
    The Taliban reassembled itself within Pakistani northern territory and started to fight back from late 2005, causing severe damage. This led to the geographical and functional extension of ISAF operations. It expanded to cover the whole of Afghanistan in four stages, and its functions expanded. From the beginning,the PRTs (provincial reconstruction teams) contained inherent contradictions in that it brought together soldiers, diplomats and development specialists together, who had never before worked as a team. In many cases, soldiers and development specialists had different priorities and different time planning. The soldiers tended to opt for short term concrete projects which could “win the hearts and minds” of local people, whereas the development specialists preferred more long term sustainable projects which may not yield quick returns.
    As the Tallibans regained control of southern Afghanistan, the security missions of ISAF started to include high-intensity fighting with insurgency. This led to a severe crisis of alliance relationships in that some countries were very reluctant to take up the fighting roles and even those who did, had to work under intense pressure of domestic politics in their home country. Canada and the Netherlands both tried to reconcile domestic politics and what it perceived to be alliance and international responsibilities. In the end they both had to bring back combat forces home earlier than the end of ISAF mission. What remained in the end for NATO were relatively low-intensity police and military personnel training mission.
    The ISAF experience gives important lessons for future cases where international community will be asked to reconstruct states in the absence of general stability. We need to develop better insight into who can do which job best, and to respect each others’ logic and make room for different actors.
  • 稲垣 文昭
    ロシア・ユーラシアの社会
    2022年 2022 巻 1062 号 31-49
    発行日: 2022年
    公開日: 2023/10/13
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • ―世界の軍事化にフェミニズムは対抗しうるか?―
    岡野 八代
    女性学
    2006年 13 巻 27-39
    発行日: 2006/03/31
    公開日: 2021/12/09
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 清水 学
    中東レビュー
    2015年 2 巻 138-156
    発行日: 2015年
    公開日: 2019/12/07
    ジャーナル フリー HTML

    Pakistan is geographically situated between China and the Gulf. In order to balance its strategic position against the major security threat of India, Pakistan formed a special and stable strategic alliance with China against common threats since the period of the cold war even though the two countries have neither a political ideology nor political system in common. On the other hand Pakistan established another special relation with Saudi Arabia on the basis of Islamic identity. With its expanding economic capacity, China proposed a project by the name of “new silk road economic corridor” with the intention of expanding and multiplying trade routes with the Middle East and Europe.

    Within this framework Pakistan is expected to expand the role of an alternative land route that connects the Gulf and China for use if unfavorable emergencies occur in the Malacca route. However, the continuous political uncertainty in Afghanistan after the pullout of US-NATO fighting forces at the end of 2014 and sporadic outbreaks of terrorist acts by Pakistan Taliban in Pakistan have increased China’s anxiety regarding Uyghur issues at home. Avoiding military options for the moment, China is trying to find ways to play an active role in the security issues of Afghanistan with help from Pakistan if available.

    On the other hand, it is noteworthy that the Pakistani government formed in the general election of 2008 completed its full term and transferred authority to the newly elected government in 2013, something never observed before in Pakistan’s history. Coincidently, in Afghanistan the presidential election was carried out peacefully in 2014 in spite of the Taliban threat. Although it is too early to make any definite conclusion, constitutional processes, in spite of their defects, reflected to some extent wishes for normal life of the people of Pakistan and Afghanistan who were disgusted with weak governance and the prevalence of terrorism.

  • 中西 久枝
    国際安全保障
    2009年 37 巻 2 号 23-45
    発行日: 2009/09/30
    公開日: 2022/04/14
    ジャーナル フリー
  • プラット ジェイソン, 久保谷 政義
    ロシア・ユーラシアの社会
    2022年 2022 巻 1062 号 2-30
    発行日: 2022年
    公開日: 2023/10/13
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
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