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  • ささき ともこ
    日本文学
    1979年 28 巻 7 号 46-52
    発行日: 1979/07/10
    公開日: 2017/08/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 中島 亮一
    印度學佛教學研究
    1973年 22 巻 1 号 272-276
    発行日: 1973/12/31
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 野村 俊一
    日本建築学会計画系論文集
    2004年 69 巻 586 号 155-162
    発行日: 2004/12/30
    公開日: 2017/02/09
    ジャーナル フリー
    The purpose of this paper is to clarify the formation of a community and the compilation of "Shiban" over the "Henkaiichirantei" in "Zuisenji temple". A summary will be given as follows: 1, The community over the "Henkaiichirantei" in "Zuisenji temple" was able to form across time and space. 2, The "Shiban" work installed in the "Henkaiichirantei" was estimated by "Gido shushin" from a viewpoint of "Ninkyokenbi". 3, It was also recommended to request gatha from a high priest zen monk in another landscape, and to show gatha by high priest zen monk in "Shiban". 4, The occurrence in which a lot of gatha was produced involving "Henkaiichirantei" is also that the idea of "Ninkyogufudatsu" functioned well.
  • 古田 紹欽
    印度學佛教學研究
    1984年 32 巻 2 号 559-565
    発行日: 1984/03/25
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ─〈船弁慶〉の陶朱公故事をめぐって─
    樹下 文隆
    中世文学
    2014年 59 巻 98-107
    発行日: 2014年
    公開日: 2018/02/09
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 出典とその背景について
    澤城 邦生
    宗学研究紀要
    2023年 36 巻 23-37
    発行日: 2023/03/31
    公開日: 2023/04/08
    研究報告書・技術報告書 フリー
  • ささき ともこ
    日本文学
    1981年 30 巻 9 号 36-53
    発行日: 1981/09/10
    公開日: 2017/08/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    Using Chugan's autobiography, An Abbreviated Genealogy, as a source, this study attempts to identify Chugan's patrons and Zen masters, thus clarifying his circumstances and doctrinal positions. Tamamura Takeji has also made a study of this subject, although he deals exclusively with Chugan's Zen masters. Tama-mura concludes from Chugan's successive study with masters from different sects that his own version of Zen was characterized by both breadth and profundity. This study proposes a different interpretation. Chugan's collected Sayings must be consulted on the succession issue, but since this lies beyond the scope of this essay, I have confined myself to tabulating the names of the masters quoted in the Sayings. That Chugan was a monk-politician of some prominence may be traced in the writings through which he sought entry into the Godaigo and Ashikaga administrations. For as long as he was interested in playing a political role, his poems were outwardly directed expressions of his goals. After the fall of Naoyoshi, however, his poetry began to turn inwards. It is this later work that is called the Gatha. Chugan's compositions may thus be classified as verses or gatha. Their evaluation must remain internal to the categories: that is, the verses should be compared to other verses, the gatha to other gatha.
  • 芳澤 元
    史学雑誌
    2011年 120 巻 10 号 1675-1696
    発行日: 2011/10/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー

    When taking up the question of the essential character of Japanese Buddhism during the Muromachi Period, it is necessary to investigate its influence on the era's cultural phenomena. For example, in the recent research dealing with Muromachi culture, focus has been placed on the period's Oei 応永 Era (1394-1428), which amends conventional Kitayama vs. Higashiyama view of the period's cultural history; however, when turning to the subject of the cultural influence of Zen Buddhism, the discussion has not developed beyond the classic study by Tamamura Takeji, which concentrates on the unique character of Shogun Ashikaga Yoshimochi. The cause of the problems that have now arisen is that the research taking up 1) obscure source materials related to the Gozan 五山 Zen temples and 2) the social aspects of Zen Buddism has not yet dealt with the Oei Era. This situation is mainly the responsibility of the historical research done on Buddhism in general and Zen in particular that ignores the aspect of culture. The present article discusses the Tale of Totou Tenjin 渡唐天神, a Buddhist story about Sugawara-no-Michizane (later diefied as Tenjin, the patron of scholarship and the literary arts) appearing in a dream of a Zen monk who advises him to journey to Tang China to learn the art of Zen meditation from his master Fojian 仏鑑, in relation to poetic picture scrolls and the renga 連歌 genre of Japanese poetry. It was during the Oei Era that such aspects of the tale appearing in the latter half of the 14th century as the dream about Michizane and Tenjin folk beliefs, as well as the activities of Zen monks studying abroad in China writing poetry about such subjects as the literati of Jiangnan (Jiangnan renwen 江南文人) and the legend of Tobiume 飛梅, a legendary plum tree planted by Michizane at the Dazaifu Tenjin shrine (Kyushu), all began to be edited as illustrated versions. The author argues that despite the vast research literature dealing with the Tale of Totou Tenjin, no definitive work has yet to appear on the meaning of and historical background to its popularity during the Oei Era. Next, the author takes up records of Ouchi Morimi, the governor of Suo and Nagato Province (Yamaguchi) and home of the Matsuzaki Tenjin shrine, presenting a pictorial image of Totou Tenjin to Shogun Yoshimochi while residing in Kyoto and excerpts from literary works on the subject of the image, in order to show Morimi's conversion to Tenjin beliefs while in Kyushu and the process by which Morimi traveled to Kyoto after Yoshimochi the suceeded to the head of the House of Ashikaga and received the Shogun's favor. From that time on, what led to the further development of the Tale were 1) Yoshimochi and Morimi's adoration of Tenjin and the participation of the shogun and Gozan Zen monks in Tenjin-related Buddhist ceremonies sponsored by Morimi, which would end with renga poetry writing and 2) Koun Myogi, aristocrat, Zen monk and literatus serving the shogun, who was also deeply interested in the Tale of Totou Tenjin, instructing Gozan Zen monks in the literary arts. The world of the Gozan temples and provincial governors participating in the promotion of the literary arts and the appreciation of the fine arts was formed under the auspices of cooperative personal relationships developed between the capital and the provinces during the Oei Era; and it was this world in which the Tale of Totou Tenjin became the main theme in a wide range of artwork. The image of Totou Tenjin is characterized not only by elements limited exclusively to the events and social structure specific to the Oei Era, but also by more fluid elements easily articulated with themes unrelated to Zen Buddhism. This dual character enabled the Tale to develop while gradually drifting away from its original Zen context, and it could not have continued on past the Muromachi cultural scence into the late premodern period merely on

    (View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)

  • 中村 翼
    史学雑誌
    2010年 119 巻 10 号 1693-1717
    発行日: 2010/10/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    Within the reexamination of the pioneering work done by Mori Katsumi on foreign trade between Japan and the Song Dynasty, Mori's research on the Kamakura Period has yet to be sufficiently investigated. Mori argued that the Song trade developed during the first half of the 13th century under the Kamakura Bakufu's version of laissez-faire policy, then during the second half under Bakufu attempts to monopolize foreign trade. In response, the author of this article points out that there is no empirical basis to support any Bakufu pursuit of monopoly and thus sets out to clarify the process by which the Song trade developed through identifying the factors determining the Bakufu's attitude towards and influence on foreign trade during the middle years of its regime. During the early 13th century, the enterprising activities of Japanese monks traveling to Song China became linked with the interests of powerful political interests and maritime merchants, leading to a foreign trade establishment led by influential figures within the inner circle at the Imperial Court in Kyoto. Meanwhile, very little trace of involvement by the Bakufu in Kamakura can be found, suggesting little interest towards foreign trade on the part of the warrior regime. Therefore, during the time in question, the development of trade was the result of proactive efforts on the part of influential players in the Capital region, rather than any alleged laissez-faire policy on the part of the Bakufu. It was only after the 13th century was three-quarters over that the Bakufu increased its presence in the world of foreign trade, due to 1) the maturation of Kamakura as an urban center and 2) changes in religious policy in the wake of the coup d'etat of 1246 and the establishment of the Hojo Family Regency the following year. That is to say, the Bakufu began promoting the ascendancy of the Zen temples of Kamakura. Part of this Zen development plan involved the wholesale incorporation of the culture and material life of Southern Song Buddhism, which brought the Bakufu into contact with Japanese monks having experience in China. Consequently, maritime merchants in pursuit of the best trade conditions possible connected themselves to the Bakufu through the network established by these monks, thus constituting one factor in the Bakufu's heightened influence upon foreign trade. However, the style with which the Bakufu chose to be involved was along an extrapolation of the existing trade structure based on an alliance of court personages, maritime merchants and monks interacting with China. The author concludes that instead of focusing on a midKamakura period foreign trade development scenario driven by akufu policy shifting between the two poles of laissez-faire and state monopoly control, it is necessary to paint a larger picture composed of a variety of interests promoted by a myriad of actors, including not only the Hojo-led Bakufu, but also the aristocracy in the Capital region, Japanese monks training in China, the world of Southern Song Buddhism, and the purveyors of maritime commerce.
  • [記載なし]
    史学雑誌
    2006年 115 巻 6 号 1212-1172
    発行日: 2006/06/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 大塚 紀弘
    史学雑誌
    2012年 121 巻 2 号 199-226
    発行日: 2012/02/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The present article focuses on changes that were taking place in the routes and forms of trade involving the transport of Chinese goods between the late Heian and late Kamakura period, in an attempt to clarify the character of the China trade in Japan and the involvement in it by the Kamakura Bakufu. During the Heian period, when Japan's foreign trade was managed under the directorship of hakata goshu 博多綱首, Chinese shipowners residing at the Song Dynasty quarters in the port of Hakata, shoen estate proprietors in Kyoto were obtaining Chinese goods through powerful local estate managers for the purpose of gift-giving. During the final years of the period, aristocrats, including imperial regent Taira-no-Kiyomori and cloistered emperor Goshirakawa, began to participate in foreign trade for the purpose of profiting from the import of Chinese copper coins, as connections were established between the shoen estate proprietary elite in Kyoto and the hakata goshu. Then during the early Kamakura period, such influential members of that Kyoto elite as the Saionji and Kujo Families invested such capital goods as lumber in the import of copper coins, etc., thus also forming contract trade relations with the hakata goshu. However, between the middle and late Kamakura period, a change occurred in the character of the China trade from contracting with Chinese shipowners to directly dispatching trade envoys from the Kamakura Bakufu and allied Buddhist temples as passengers on trade ships. The author argues that the reason behind such a transformation was that Japanese shippers were assuming a larger share of the traffic than their Chinese counterparts. Concerning shipping routes during the time in question, at its early stage, the Bakufu would entrust through the agency of the Dazaifu Imperial Headquarters of Kyushu such precious materials as sulphur and gold as capital to the hakata goshu, who would also act as the venture's Chinese interpreter (gobun tsuji 御分通事). Upon transaction of trade, the ship would return to Japan via Hakata headed for Wakaejima, a port island off the coast of Kamakura, with its cargo of copper coins, ceramics and the like. Although the account that the 3rd Shogun Minamoto-no-Sanetomo dispatched an envoy to Mt. Yandang in Zhejiang Province cannot be verified, it is true that by mid-period it became possible to dispatch trading ships directly from Kamakura. As goshu of Japanese descent increased in number from the mid-Kamakura period on, the Bakufu altered its trade arrangements from hiring designated Chinese contractors to entrusting capital to reliable Buddhist priests, who would be dispatched directly to China as importers of copper coins and other necessities of Chinese manufacture. The account alleging that Sanetomo dispatched these clerical merchants for the purpose of obtaining a tooth from the funeral ashes of Gautama Buddha of course embellishes upon this actual transformation that took place in trade policy.
  • 小早川 浩大, 澤城 邦生, 秋津 秀彰, 永井 賢隆, 工藤 英勝, 山内 弾正
    宗学研究紀要
    2023年 36 巻 0-
    発行日: 2023年
    公開日: 2023/04/08
    研究報告書・技術報告書 フリー
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