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  • 陳 敏齡
    印度學佛教學研究
    2020年 68 巻 2 号 880-874
    発行日: 2020/03/20
    公開日: 2020/09/10
    ジャーナル フリー

    The commentaries of Hōnen (法然, 1133–1212) and Ryōe (了慧, 1243–1330) on the Larger Sukhāvatīvyūha-sūtra developed from Jingying Huiyuan’s 浄影慧遠 (523–592) philosophy and produced in Japanese Pure Land Buddhism a formula for interpreting Dharmākara bodhisattva (法蔵菩薩), who became Amitābha Buddha. However, considering that Hōnen followed Shandao’s (善導) ideas, one wonders why the Jōdo scholar Gizan (義山, 1648–1717) tried to create an interpretation by combining two systems originating from Huiyuan and Shandao.

    This paper tries to investigate the way Gizan dealt with the controversy that emerged from the ‘twofold resolve’ (両重発心) which eventually led to doctrinal argument. Apart from his controversial argument, this paper deals with the characteristics of Gizan’s thought: 1. He adopted Huiyuan’s philosophy to elaborate Dharmākara’s ‘multifold resolve’, which would lead to the conclusion that the ‘multifold resolve’ would be impossible without the strength of the absolute other, especially from the viewpoint of manifestations. 2. With the idea of dependent origination in Mahāyāna, he not only explained that Dharmākara initiated his resolve long ago, but also elaborated by means of Kegon philosophy that Dharmākara did it together with sentient beings. Gizan’s interpretation of Dharmākara corresponded to the teaching of Hōnen, the follower of Shandao, and emphasized the spirit of the bodhisattva path full of great compassion.

  • 吉村 誠
    印度學佛教學研究
    2020年 68 巻 2 号 784-790
    発行日: 2020/03/20
    公開日: 2020/09/10
    ジャーナル フリー

    Chapter I of the Saṃdhinirmocana-sūtra 解深密經 is divided into four parts. In the first part, it seems that the relationship between paramārtha-satya and dharmas is interpreted by the two truths 二諦. However, it is better to interpret this relationship using the three natures 三性 of Chinese Yogācāra thought. Paramārtha-satya is replaced by pariniṣpanna, dharmas are replaced by parikalpita, and vastu 事 and saṃskāra 行 between the two imply paratantra.

    How were the three natures in this portion accepted by Chinese Yogācāra? In previous studies, it has been stated that Wŏnch’uk 圓測 (613–696) did not understand Yogācāra correctly. But when we read his commentary of the Saṃdhinirmocana-sūtra (解深密經疏) carefully, it is clear that he correctly understands that vastu and saṃskāra are paratantra, and that he properly describes the interpretations of this portion by Paramārtha 眞諦 and Xuanzang 玄奘.

    Xuanzang’s interpretation of dharmas is the following: (1) saṃskṛta and asaṃskṛta are parikalpita; (2) saṃskṛta and asaṃskṛta are the object part 相分 of paratantra; (3) that saṃskṛta is paratantra and asaṃskṛta is pariniṣpanna are the paramārtha-satya. According to the third interpretation, the dharmas are not denied. On the other hand, Paramārtha’s interpretation is that the existence of all dharmas is denied as follows: (1) the discrimination by confused consciousness 乱識分別, (2) wrong thought as foundation 根本 (不正思惟), (3) niḥsvabhāva of parikalpita and paratantra 無相無生. This is the interpretation that was used in the Shelun 攝論 school. Wŏnch’uk criticizes this Shelun interpretation, insisting that Xuanzang’s interpretation should be applied to this portion.

  • 神田 大輝
    印度學佛教學研究
    2020年 68 巻 2 号 670-675
    発行日: 2020/03/20
    公開日: 2020/09/10
    ジャーナル フリー

    In relation to the various religious doctrines which became diversified after the death of Nichiren (日蓮), the viewpoint of Honjaku theory (本迹論) is the most important index to examine the characteristics of the disciples. Kōzōin Nisshin (広蔵院日辰, mid-16th c.), who was based in Kyoto during the Sengoku Period, was a notable learned priest who established a major theoretical system of the Honjaku theory. Nisshin discriminated between Honmon (本門) and Shakumon (迹門). The distinctive feature of the theory is that it discusses the superiority of “Chapter 16, Nyorai Juryō-hon (如来寿量品第十六)” out of the 28 chapters of the Lotus Sūtra. In this paper, in order to clarify the characteristics of the Honjaku theory of Nisshin, I compare it with the theory of the Icchi school (一致派) priests who discussed the unity of the Honmon and Shakumon. I took up as my starting point the contention shared by the learned priests of the Shoretsu (勝劣) and Icchi schools, that is, the interpretation of “Myōhō 妙法” in the first introductory chapter. The teachings of the abovementioned priests strongly reflect the characteristics of the doctrines that they upheld. Here I point out that Nisshin interprets this “Myōhō” of the title of the introductory chapter based on the sixteenth chapter.

  • 南 宏信
    印度學佛教學研究
    2019年 68 巻 1 号 53-58
    発行日: 2019/12/20
    公開日: 2020/09/10
    ジャーナル フリー

    In founding the Jōdo-shū, Hōnen (1133–1212) selected the Wuliangshou jing, Guan Wuliangshou jing, and Amito jing as foundational scriptures, calling them the Three Pure Land Sūtras. His choice was modeled on the adoption of three fundamental sūtras by the Buddhist sects preceding the Jōdo-shū. However, Hōnen did not simply select any three sūtras; his selection rather indicates the depth of his contemplation of the Three Pure Land Sūtras.

    Specifically, this paper extracts the portions which present Hōnen’s interpretation of the Three Pure Land Sūtras and examines his interpretational methodology. Through an examination of the process by which Hōnen explains the problems and contradictions that emerged in his reading of each of the Three Pure Land Sūtras by supplementing and interpreting them with the other Pure Land sūtras, it is possible to see in what ways he considered the three sūtras as one, as a “Triple Sūtra.” Further, Hōnen’s explanation is linked to the establishment of the Senchaku fuzoku 選択付属, the sixth of the eight kinds of selection (八種選択義) in the 16th chapter of the Senchakushū 選択集, and meaning Śākyamuni’s selection of the nenbutsu which he entrusted to Ānanda in order that it be passed to future beings.

  • 河﨑 豊
    印度學佛教學研究
    2019年 68 巻 1 号 528-523
    発行日: 2019/12/20
    公開日: 2020/09/10
    ジャーナル フリー

    Bṛhatkalpabhāṣya 6364 prescribes ten kinds of monastic rules for the monks. These rules are for those who are: (1) in the position of the monk who practices sāmāyika, and (2) in the position of the monk who must be newly initiated because he has been demoted from his position due to transgressions. In this article, I point out that while the enumeration of these rules is not found in any Śvetāmbara scriptures, Bṛhatkalpabhāṣya 6364 has parallel verses in other Śvetāmbara Bhāṣya commentaries, the works of Haribhadra Virahāṅka, and the Digambara pseudo-canon or the Bhagavatī Ārādhanā and the Mūlācāra. I also point out that the Śvetāmbaras and the Digambaras give different interpretations to the first rule on “nudity (accelakka, etc.).” While the Digambaras interpret “nudity” as a synomym of aparigraha or non-attachment, the Śvetāmbaras argue that a monk is regarded as “nude” only if he wears rag clothes.

  • 山極 伸之
    印度學佛教學研究
    2019年 68 巻 1 号 464-457
    発行日: 2019/12/20
    公開日: 2020/09/10
    ジャーナル フリー

    The oldest Chinese translation of a vinaya text is the Binaiye 鼻奈耶. Although many scholars having pointed out that there is a need to examine its content due to the time of its translation, almost no research has been carried out. One of the reasons for this is that the Chinese is difficult to understand. However, this is also because of its unique structure. The extant vinayas are basically comprised of a vibhaṅga section and skandhaka section (or section equivalent to the skandhaka). However, the Binaiye only consists of the former. While the structure of its vibhaṅga does present some issues, like other vinayas, it contains stories, rules, and explanations. Based on limited research findings it is thought that the Binaiye came into existence before the extant vinayas. One of the notable characteristics of the Chinese translation of this text is that it does not discuss “proper rules.” In my past research I have examined the content of the proper rules found in vinayas and made clear the process of the sangha’s transformation. However, when and from where the Chinese-language concept jing 淨 (Pāli kappa/kappiya; “proper”) appeared remains as a major issue to be addressed. In order to examine this problem, I turn to the Binaiye and discuss its relationship with “proper rules.” I conclude that one does not find any passages showing their existence therein, and present various possible reasons for this. The lack of “proper rules” in this text is a very important point when thinking about the placement of this vinaya text, how “proper rules” came into existence, and circumstances surrounding the Chinese translation of vinaya texts. It is an issue that requires further examination.

  • 渡辺 章悟
    印度學佛教學研究
    2019年 68 巻 1 号 410-402
    発行日: 2019/12/20
    公開日: 2020/09/10
    ジャーナル フリー

    It goes without saying that dependent co-arising (pratītyasamutpāda) plays an important role in Buddhist thought. But this was not necessarily the case in the early Mahāyāna. Surprisingly, there are also few examples of the use of this term in the Prajñāpāramitā sūtras. In particular, little importance was attached to it in early Prajñāpāramitā sūtras such as the Vajracchedikā Prajñāpāramitā and the Aṣṭasāhasrikā Prajñāpāramitā and related texts. Furthermore, in the Aṣṭasāhasrikā Prajñāpāramitā and related texts, from the first chapter of entrustment onwards, there began to appear some noteworthy discussions of dependent co-arising that have a bearing on the Mūlamadhyamaka-kārikā.

    In expanded versions of the Prajñāpāramitā sūtras, however, this situation changes completely. In particular, there appear several discussions of dependent co-arising that are notable for their influence on later Buddhist thought.

    The main uses of dependent co-arising in expanded versions of the Prajñāpāramitā sūtras are the visualization of dependent co-arising as an antidote to ignorance and its use as a source for the verse of salutation in the Mūlamadhyamaka-kārikā, known as the eight negations. In this paper, I examine these and situate the verse of the eight negations in the context of the doctrines that developed as the Prajñāpāramitā sūtras grew in volume. Nāgārjuna brought together the negative expressions found in expanded versions of the Prajñāpāramitā sūtras in the form of the eight negations and linked them to the idea of dependent co-arising, which was then transmitted in later versions of the Prajñāpāramitā sūtras such as the Aṣṭādaśasāhasrikā-Prajñāpāramitā. In addition, Asaṅga’s *Madhyamakānusāra (Shunzhong lun 順中論) played a role in strengthening the ties between the Prajñāpāramitā sūtras and the eight negations.

  • 園田 沙弥佳
    印度學佛教學研究
    2019年 68 巻 1 号 361-356
    発行日: 2019/12/20
    公開日: 2020/09/10
    ジャーナル フリー

    This presentation concerns Sādhanamālā (SM) 134, a meditation on the Mārīcī of three faces and eight arms (an image seen on extant art objects). The traits of the sādhana of SM 134 are elucidated via an understanding of its structural components.

    Among the Buddhist goddesses of the Pāla Empire (8th–12th century CE), works depicting Mārīcī are said to have been second in number only to those of the goddess Tārā, and Mārīcī worship was especially widespread in India. Sixteen types of Mārīcī sādhana are recorded in the SM, with Mārīcī displaying variously one face and two arms, three faces and eight arms, five faces and ten arms, six faces and twelve arms, or three faces and sixteen arms.

    In SM 134, in the preparatory stage for meditation, the concrete description of the figure of the goddess is characteristic. The reason is not clear, but in SM 142, in the preparatory stage for meditation (similar to SM 134) is the phrase “depict images [paṭa], etc. of the figure of the holy mother [Mārīcī]” (paṭādigatamūrrtiṃ bhagavatīm avatārrya); therefore, it may be that the concrete figure of Mārīcī spoken of in the preparatory stage of SM 134 is suggesting not only a mediation, but also the creation of actual objects depicting the goddess. From the fact that numerous holy images of Mārīcī have been confirmed in India, we surmise that in addition to mediation, emphasis was also placed on the mechanism of gaining blessings by the pious act of creating actual art objects.

  • 下田 正弘
    印度學佛教學研究
    2020年 68 巻 2 号 1043-1035
    発行日: 2020/03/20
    公開日: 2020/09/10
    ジャーナル フリー

    More than fifteen years ago, Schopen (2004, 492) revealed his concern about a certain understanding widespread among scholars of the history of Indian Buddhism, writing, “[t]he historical development of Indian Buddhism used to be presented as simple, straightforward, and suspiciously linear. It started with the historical Buddha whose teaching was organized, transmitted, and more or less developed into what was referred to as early Buddhism. This Early Buddhism was identified as Hīnayāna ... , Theravāda ... , or simply ‘monastic Buddhism.’ ... A little before or a little after the beginning of the common era this early Buddhism was, according to the model, followed by the Mahāyāna ... ” A similar apprehension has recently been expressed in slightly different terms by Harrison (2018, 8–9). It is certainly surprising that scholars’ basic frame of reference for the history of Indian Buddhism is more or less what it was in the late 19th century, despite all of the progress recently made in this field. Developments in the particulars of the subfields of Indian Buddhist history have not entailed comparable developments in the broader frame of reference, despite the fact that such a frame is what allows us to identify and synthesize the details of our field. This paper attempts to address this problem by focusing on three points: first, it reexamines the current state of affairs of materials for the reconstruction of the history of ancient India; second, it reevaluates the status of Pāli materials as historical sources; and third, it reconsiders the concept of ‘canon’ in Buddhist studies.

  • 吉村 誠
    印度學佛教學研究
    2019年 67 巻 2 号 729-736
    発行日: 2019/03/20
    公開日: 2019/09/20
    ジャーナル フリー

    What was Xuanzang’s historical viewpoint on the history of sectarian Buddhism?

    He learned the Sarvāstivādin Abhidharma for two years in Kashmir. When he returned to China, he translated the Yibu zonglun lun (Cycle of the Formation of the Schismatic Doctrines) written by a Sarvāstivādin of Kashmir. From these facts, it seems that Xuanzang was influenced by, and cultivated his historical viewpoint according to, the Sarvāstivādins of Kashmir.

    But this investigation has made clear that some records contained in the Datang xiyu ji by Xuanzang are inconsistent with the Buddhist history related in the Yibu zonglun lun. Those records in the Datang xiyu ji are based on the Dīpavaṃsa produced from the southern Theravāda, and the Shelifu wen jing composed by the Mahāsāṃghika. Therefore, it should not necessarily be concluded that Xuangzang’s historical viewpoint was entirely informed by the Sarvāstivādins of Kashmir.

    The reason for this is as follows: (1) At the time when Xuanzang visited India, the opposition to the Sarvāstivādins and the other sects was moderated to some extent. (2) As a Chinese Mahāyāna Buddhist, Xuanzang was in a position to view sectarian Buddhism in India with some critical distance. (3) He studied the teachings of several sects in India with a positive attitude and a strong desire to learn.

  • 安中 尚史
    印度學佛教學研究
    2019年 67 巻 2 号 673-680
    発行日: 2019/03/20
    公開日: 2019/09/20
    ジャーナル フリー

    As Japan came into the new Meiji era, the Buddhist world was forced to make a big change in the government policy of Shintō as the national religion. This was a time of many influences from various things brought from overseas along. The same can be said about things without form such as thought, culture, technology, etc. Likewise, there were also influences on the tactics practiced in the Japanese Buddhist world, and documents called “document evangelism” were no exception. The Buddhist community until the Edo period carried out missionary work using such documents, but when it came to Meiji, it changed greatly due to modernization. While changes in institutions and mechanisms are factors for this change, the inflow of new technologies made it possible to issue large volumes of printed materials, which can be said one of the reasons for this change. In the light of these circumstances, I examine document evangelism as carried out by the Nichiren Order.

  • 水谷 香奈
    印度學佛教學研究
    2019年 67 巻 2 号 633-639
    発行日: 2019/03/20
    公開日: 2019/09/20
    ジャーナル フリー

    Hiratsuka Raichō (1886–1971) worked hard to acquire women’s rights in modern Japan. In her thought and actions, we can see the influence of the Rinzai Zen that Raichō learned when she was young, but in this paper, examining her critiques of Pure Land thought, I try to elucidate her attitude and view about not only Zen but all of Buddhism. In 1935, she published an essay defending the interpretation of Pure Land of Muramatsu Entai, a monk and Buddhist scholar. Raichō agrees with Entai’s assertion that “Pure Land is to make this world an ideal society.” In the background, there is the idea that “Pure Land is not outside of us, but in our heart,” which has been talked about in Zen and elsewhere. In addition, Raichō universalized the mysterious experiences in Zen and thought that the root of all religions had something in common. Not only Zen but her unique view of religion is reflected in her view on all of Buddhism.

  • 南 宏信
    印度學佛教學研究
    2019年 67 巻 2 号 596-601
    発行日: 2019/03/20
    公開日: 2019/09/20
    ジャーナル フリー

    Hōnen’s (1133–1212) final chapter of his main work, the Senchakushū, derives eight kinds of selections for Amitabha, Śākyamuni, and all kinds of Buddhas—“The eight kinds of selections” (Senchaku hongan, senchaku santan, senchaku rukyō, senchaku sesshu, senchaku kesan, senchaku huzoku, senchaku shōjō, senchaku gamyō) are based on “The Three Pure Land Sūtras” and the Banzhou sanmei jing (first volume). This is one of the key concepts of Senchakushū, and its stages of development have been clarified.

    This paper examines the process of developing “senchaku rukyō,” based on the dissemination directions of the Larger Sukhāvatīvyūha sūtra (Wuliangshou jing). This analysis reveals that “senchaku rukyō” is developed in three stages.

    During the first stage, the dissemination directions are quoted, whilst Yixiang zhuannian wuliangshou fo (一向専念無量寿仏) from the Wuliangshou jing (the San paidan chapter) is emphasized. There is no reference to the permanence of nembutsu at that point. During the second stage, the influence of the third chapter of the Ōjōyōshū is seen, and it is explained that nembutsu will remain, even during the end days. At this point, reference to the permanence of nembutsu is made. During the third stage, a similar discussion takes place as in the Dissemination Part directions of Wuliangshou jing and Guan Wuliangshou jing, using the words of Shantao’s (613–681) Guanjing shu as an intermediary. Subsequently, in Chapter 6 of the Senchakushū, this is developed into “senchaku rukyō.”

  • 渡辺 章悟
    印度學佛教學研究
    2018年 67 巻 1 号 520-510
    発行日: 2018/12/20
    公開日: 2019/09/07
    ジャーナル フリー

    One of the words used to refer to a bodhisattva in Mahāyāna Buddhism is satpuruṣa (P. sappurisa). This word, meaning “good man,” is found already in early Buddhist texts, especially in verses. For example, in very early texts such as the Dhammapada it refers to the Buddha, and this usage is reflected in the Mahāvastu and other biographies of the Buddha.

    Again, in the Sappurisa-sutta in the Majjhimanikāya, sappurisa refers to an outstanding monk who neither boasts about himself nor looks down on others, while in the Dīghanikāya and Saṃyuttanikāya it refers to a “stream-enterer.” This tradition of equating the satpuruṣa (sappurisa) with someone who is still on the path of training was also carried over in Abhidharma texts of the Northern tradition, such as the Mahāvibhāṣā and Abhidharmakośabhāṣya. At the same time, there are also instances, such as the Sappurisa-sutta in the Aṅguttaranikāya and some suttas in the Saṃyuttanikāya, in which this term refers to a lay Buddhist householder who gives alms to practitioners.

    In Mahāyāna Buddhism, the satpuruṣa, who had been depicted either as a renunciant such as the Buddha and his disciples or occasionally as a layman, came to be used synonymously with kulaputra and bodhisattva and was also depicted in certain circumstances as a lay bodhisattva. This term is not found very often in early Mahāyāna scriptures, but subsequently seven bodhisattvas starting with Bhadrapāla developed into a tradition of sixteen satpuruṣa. That is to say, with the organization and popularization of Mahāyāna Buddhism the position of satpuruṣa also changed. These changes in usage mirror changes in the meaning of bodhisattva.

    In this paper, focusing on the concept of satpuruṣa, I examine examples of the usage of terms such as bodhisattva and kulaputra through a comparison ranging from early Buddhism to Mahāyāna Buddhism. By doing so, I hope to clarify one aspect of how the transmission of Mahāyāna Buddhism evolved.

  • 青野 道彦
    印度學佛教學研究
    2018年 67 巻 1 号 464-459
    発行日: 2018/12/20
    公開日: 2019/09/07
    ジャーナル フリー

    The Pātimokkha consists of prohibitive rules, with the exception of the sekhiyā section, which is a guide to etiquette in daily life. The Suttavibhaṅga, the old commentary on the Pātimokkha, also comprises prohibitive components. There is little mention in the Pātimokkha and Suttavibhaṅga of what monks can do; therefore, it is difficult to know which behaviors, in relation to clothing, food, and housing, are acceptable based on these texts.

    This is also true of the Dantapoṇasikkhāpada, which I discuss in this paper. While the Dantapoṇasikkhāpada prohibits monks from eating anything other than alms food, the Suttavibhaṅga focuses on providing a precise explanation of this prohibitive rule. However, when we refer to the monastic texts more widely, the acceptable ways of acquiring food that do not conflict with this rule become visible to us. For example, in the Bhesajjakkhandhaka, we can find an exception to the rule. In addition, the Samantapāsādikā (Sp)’s commentary on the rule includes numerous cases related to how monks should acquire food.

    In this paper, I will examine the legitimate methods of food acquisition based on these texts. This paper is only a first step undertaking a more complete body of research; consequently, the results of the examination will be limited to the following four points:

    1) It is essential for monks to receive (paṭiggaṇhāti) food from others in order for them to eat. According to Sp, receiving food is acceptable under the following five conditions: a) the food is sufficiently small and lightweight for it to be lifted by a man of average body strength; b) both the donor and the recipient are in close proximity (hatthapāsa) to each other; c) the donor demonstrates an attitude of offering (abhihāra) (e.g. by bowing to the recipient); d) gods, people, or animals donate food with “body” (kāya), “what is connected with body” (kāyapaṭibaddha), or “releasing” (nissaggiya); e) the monk receives the food with “body” or “what is connected with body.”

    2) According to the Suttavibhaṅga’s commentary on the Dantapoṇasikkhāpada, collecting food for the purpose of eating it oneself is a dukkaṭa offense, but according to the Bhesajjakkhandhaka, collecting food for oneself is permissible when it is extremely difficult to obtain. However, consuming food that has not been received from “one who makes things legal” (kappiyakāraka) is not permissible.

    3) It is permissible to collect food to give to others and for purposes other than eating. However, it is necessary to receive food from others when they change their minds and want to eat it themselves.

    4) Because the Sp’s commentary on the Dantapoṇasikkhāpada does not address the pros and cons of “gleaning” (uñcha), it is uncertain whether this practice contradicts the Dantapoṇasikkhāpada. However, the possibility exists that the Dantapoṇasikkhāpada permits monks to glean.

  • 上田 昇
    印度學佛教學研究
    2018年 67 巻 1 号 358-352
    発行日: 2018/12/20
    公開日: 2019/09/07
    ジャーナル フリー

    In his Apoha Theory, Dignāga argues that when two words stand in a hyper-hyponym relationship (sāmānya-viśeṣa relationship), each word does not exclude the other, and that the meaning (artha) of the hyponym includes the meaning of the hypernym. Using symbolic logic, the author of the present paper has formalized the meaning of a word on a given group of words each of which has a definite extension. A result of formalization is that the negation in the negative compound behaves like a negation in intuitionistic logic, rather than a negation in classical logic, in which the law of double negation holds.

    The present paper introduces two implication-free propositional subsystems of Gentzen’s LK (classical logic), one of which is equivalent with Gentzen’s LJ (intuitionistic logic), and names both systems “Apoha logic”. The present paper shows that in relation to Dignāga’s three-part-inference, we can, under some logical conditions, deduce in Apoha logic the double negation of the proposition (pratijñā) from the premises–––the inferential reason (hetu) and the negative concomitance (vyatireka)–––whereas in Apoha logic we cannot necessarily deduce the proposition from the premises.

  • 新作 慶明
    印度學佛教學研究
    2020年 68 巻 2 号 978-973
    発行日: 2020/03/20
    公開日: 2020/09/10
    ジャーナル フリー

    Nāgārjuna’s Mūlamadhyamakakārikā (MMK), Chapter 18, verse 9, discusses the characteristics of reality (tattvasya lakṣaṇam). In the Prasannapadā (PsP), Candrakīrti comments that while the characteristics of reality for the Nobles (āryas) are taught in MMK 18.9, the characteristics of reality for ordinary people (laukika-tattvalakṣaṇa) are taught in MMK 18.10. However, it is not clear what laukika-tattva is in the contexts of the PsP ad MMK 18.10.

    In this paper, I first discuss Candrakīrti’s two types of teachings of dependent arising (pratītyasamutpāda), focusing especially on the concepts of idaṃpratyayatā and idaṃpratyayatāmātra. Second, I compare the views of the Nobles and ordinary people based on the discussion of the two-truths theory in Candrakīrti’s Madhyamakāvatārabhāṣya, with respect to idaṃpratyayatā and idaṃpratyayatāmātra. Finally, I reconsider laukika-tattva in the contexts of the PsP.

  • 野呂 靖
    印度學佛教學研究
    2020年 68 巻 2 号 693-699
    発行日: 2020/03/20
    公開日: 2020/09/10
    ジャーナル フリー

    Myōe’s (明恵, 1173–1232) disciple Kikai (喜海, 1178–1251) was his successor in Huayan studies at the Kozan-ji 高山寺. Although seven of his works are extant, none are concerned with the Huayan doctrine. Therefore, there has been little research concerning his Huayan understanding.

    The Sanshō Jōdō Ryōken 三生成道料簡 kept at the Kozan-ji is Kikai’s interpretation on the attainment of Buddhahood in three births that is explained in Fazang’s (643–712) Huayan Doctrine of the Five Teachings 華厳五教章. Until recently there has been no research on this subject, although this text is a document of great importance.

    The theory of attaining Buddhahood in three births is unique to the Huayan school of Buddhism, and within ancient Japan it was a subject of much debate. From such debates many interpretations developed, yet Kikai’s interpretation has yet to be examined. This paper aims to clarify the uniqueness of Kikai’s interpretation by comparing his text with articles of debate from the Todai-ji 東大寺.

  • 和田 壽弘
    印度學佛教學研究
    2019年 68 巻 1 号 515-511
    発行日: 2019/12/20
    公開日: 2020/09/10
    ジャーナル フリー

    Śaśadhara, a Navya-nyāya philosopher active in the 14th century, explains prior absence (prāgabhāva) by referring to the dissolution of a world (pralaya) in the “Causeness Chapter” (Kāraṇatā-vāda) and “Absence Chapter” (Abhāva-vāda) of his Nyāya-siddhānta-dīpa.

    Gaṅgeśa, on the other hand, who was contemporary with or immediately following Śaśadhara, defines that absence without referring to such a dissolution in the “Absence Chapter” (Abhāva-vāda) of his Tattva-cintāmaṇi. His attitude with regard to absence represents the method independent of mythical aspects such as that kind of dissolution, and dependent on daily experience. If mythical aspects represent revelation (mokṣa) and the results of rituals, we cannot deny that Navya-nyāya is subject to them. However, it is sure that Gaṅgeśa attempts to avoid those aspects as much as possible, in defining philosophical concepts such as absence.

  • Shobha Rani Dash
    印度學佛教學研究
    2019年 68 巻 1 号 471-465
    発行日: 2019/12/20
    公開日: 2020/09/10
    ジャーナル フリー

    Most Indic manuscripts contain post-colophons that offer a wide range of information, such as, date, place, scribe, author, purpose of scribing etc. In recent years, research on Indic manuscripts has attracted worldwide attention, but it is mainly based on textual research. In conventional research, it can be said that colophons have been given an auxiliary role to understand the content of a manuscript. However, colophons can play a major role by revealing the message of the scribe.

    Focusing minutely on the description of the colophon itself rather than the text content of the manuscript, this paper explores the possibilities of research of colophons to elucidate the reception of Indic manuscripts from the social, religious and cultural aspects through a case study of the colophons of palm-leaf manuscripts of Odisha (India) treating them as the primary material. These colophons are limited to the karaṇī script, Odia language religious manuscripts such as the epics, purāṇas, stotras etc., preserved in different repositories in Odisha and in a private collection in Beijing. Most of them were scribed in the 1800s.

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