This is a series of studies aimed at grasping the totality of home economics educators' visits to the United States as National Leaders from GARIOA funds and at considering their influence on the development of homemaking education in Japan under Occupation. The purpose of this first report is to give an outline of home economics educators' visits to the States and to make it clear that National Leaders' visits were an important part of educational policy for Occupied Areas. After examining GHQ/SCAP, CIE Records, the main points are as follows : 1. Dispatching National Leaders to the States was carried out under educational policy for Occupied Areas by the CIE in accordance with the recommendations of the "Report of the Educational Exchange Survey to the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers". 2. Home economics educators dispatched to the State as National Leaders were engaged on 5 projects and consisted of 17 people. They included staff of the Ministry of Education, a university official, faculty members, teacher consultants, a princpal of senior high school and homemaking teachers. 3. According to the objectives set by the CIE, 17 home economics educators took past in study tours for 90 days between February 1950 and December 1951.

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早稲田大学演劇博物館に所蔵する資料群「九州地区劇団期GHQ検閲台本」は,戦後期の地方演劇文化を知る上で有用な資料である。「ダイザー・コレクション」とも呼ばれるこの資料群は,プランゲ・コレクションと同様,研究資料としてアメリカへ移送されたものである。歴史的背景を確認した上で,関連資料にもとづきコレクション成立の経緯をたどる。再整理作業では目録データと原物資料と突合しつつ,新たな情報の採取を行い,さらに電子撮影を行った。本資料群の資料性を,原物資料の特長や,目録データによる資料構成から考える。配架状況や運用方法についても触れる。

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This paper aims to clarify the details on dependent housing and rest center under the allied occupation after the end of WWⅡ in Okayama.Okayama Prefecture had been requested buildings and housing following necessity for The Occupying Forces of the Allies, different from their intent. Despite the lack of housing due to the war, new dependent housing had no constructed in Okayama. Many existing buildings were requisitioned and there was a lot of friction among the owners of buildings and The Occupying Forces of the Allies.

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日本の原発導入は、1953 年12 月のアイゼンハワー米大統領の国連演説「原子力の平和利用」に始まるが、その年は日本の「電化元年」でもあった。テレビ放映が始まり、家庭電化製品が相次いで売り出された。54 年3 月には「原子力の平和利用」は国策として動き出すが、それにともなって電化ブームがおこり、55 年にはテレビ、電気洗濯機、電気冷蔵庫が「三種の神器」としてもてはやされる。

その背景には、

下において流布した原爆の威力への肯定的評価やアメリカ文化の紹介によってかき立てられた電化生活への憧れがあった。1952 年4 月の独立後、原爆の人体への被害が報道されるようになるが、物理学者武谷三男は被爆国だからこそ「平和利用」すべきだという原発推進の論理を展開、『読売新聞』を中心とするマスメディアも、アメリカと協力して「平和利用博覧会」を主催するなどキャンペーンにつとめた。

その一方、54 年3 月のアメリカの水爆実験によるビキニ事件をきっかけに、女性を中心に原水爆禁止署名運動が盛り上がり、55 年8 月には国民の3 分の1 以上という多数の署名が集まっている。原発導入と原水爆禁止運動は両立・同時進行したことになる。

それを可能にした一因として、「原子力の平和利用」という経済発展は男性、原水爆禁止という平和運動は女性というジェンダー分業があげられる。電化生活による近代化、産業構造の高度化により、社員・主婦というジェンダー分業を柱とする近代家族が普遍化したが、それは家庭内にとどまらず、進歩・発展は男性、ケアや後始末は女性という社会的分業をも定着強化した。

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This paper aims to clarify the dependent housing of Camp Eta Jima during the BCOF occupation. BCOF as a member of The Allied Powers was sent to Japan early in 1946. BCOF had occupied Hiroshima Pref. and stationed Camp Eta Jima former Naval Academy of Japanese Imperial Navy. 112 houses of dependent housing in Camp Eta Jima were constructed and planned by standard plans of GHQ/SCAP conducted by mainly United State. The construction was managed by Australian military officers and Japanese engineers and workers.

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 This paper aims to clarify procurement and construction process of Dependent Housing and private dwelling and buildings in occupied Osaka prefecture by the research of official documents in Japan and the United States.

 At the end of the war, modern architectures remained in the non-war-damaged areas of central Osaka. Unexpectedly, in Osaka, which became the base of the occupation army next to Kyoto in western Japan, they were requested on a large scale. In the procurement of buildings, the situation of disaster and hygiene and the scale of facilities were emphasized. The use of the requisitioned building was changed as needed, but 25 cases were not released until 1952.

 Privately owners have appealed to the Governor of Osaka Prefecture about the situation in which many properties are not returned even if the Treaty of San Francisco was concluded. As a result, the governor requested the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to release privately-owned buildings and private dwelling. The army facilities in Osaka city have been moved from the city center to several "suburbs". The "suburbs" recognized by the occupation forces were Sakai, Otsu, Amagasaki, and Nara.

 Former military grounds were requisitioned in the earliest days of occupation for example land around Osaka Castle, Kanaoka Camp in Sakai City. Because of the existence of the former Army National Land in Osaka Prefecture, it was possible to secure a vast site. In Hyogo prefecture, there was no former military grounds near the port of Kobe, lands for private owners were required, and the sacrifice of requisition in each city was different.

 The privately-owned requisitioned dwellings in Osaka Prefecture were located in the Hokusetsu area (Minoo, Ikeda) for the 5th Air Force, the suburbs of Osaka City area (Sumiyoshi, Abeno) and the Senboku area (Sakai, Takaishi) for the 25th Infantry Division. The Hamadera residential area and Ueno Shiba residential area, which were formed in Sakai city in the early Showa era, were requisitioned for the largest number of dwellings in Osaka prefecture.

 The "Hamadera Park DH" for the 25th division of the 8th army was constructed in Osaka Prefecture Hamadera Park ( in Sakai City and Takaishi City) from Sep. 1946 to Jan. 1948. This was the design supervision of the Osaka Prefecture Special Construction Division as Dependent Housing, and the construction of Obayashi, Zenitaka, and Asanuma groups. The 8th army 323th technical unit also conducted on-site instruction. It was used as the DH of Itami Air Force Base after 1952. Although the release movement was launched against the long-term entry of Japanese people to Hamadera Park, the decision to completely return it was delayed in Feb. 1958 when the return of Itami Air Base was decided.

 Consistent and enthusiastic negotiations with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs by Osaka Prefecture have come to fruition. While the relationship between Osaka City and suburban residential areas outside the city remained unchanged during the occupation period, it became clear that the scope of the "suburbs" expanded and the army moved to other prefectures.

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2015（平成27）年は，戦後70年としてアジア・太平洋戦争の終結前後における日本の史実についての活発な議論が行われた．期日本の空間社会的変容は，戦後日本の歩みと現代日本の立ち位置を知る上では重要である．米軍進駐により接収された土地や建物，いわゆる接収不動産は「」という影響を多大に受けた対象であった．これまで，軍専用住宅の概要や（商工省工芸指導所1948），その建設方法と生活用品の仕様に関する分析（小泉ほか 1999），既存の一般住宅の接収に関する東京や京都を対象とした調査がなされてきた．また，接収にともなう改修工事の実例とその特徴，生活設備の産業技術的な側面に焦点を当てた調査も進められた（松本　2014・2016）．
接収不動産をめぐる軍の意図や生活環境の日米の差異と戦後日本への影響などといった事柄は，今後も検討されるべき余地が残されており，接収不動産の実態をより精査することも，下の日本社会に与えられた影響の一端を明らかにできるものと考えられる．
本発表では，一次資料を重点的に調査して実証的分析を進めてきた中で，これまで具体化されてこなかった期大阪の接収不動産に関する総合的な調査結果と，今後の研究展望について報告するものである．

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 The purpose of this article is to clarify the construction process and features of Camp Crawford in Makomanai, Sapporo. It was named after Joseph Ury Crawford, advisor and U.S. railway engineer of the Hokkaido development commission (Kaitakushi). Upon the occupation of Japan, the general headquarters (GHQ) set the 9th corps, 8th army’s headquarters in Sapporo, chosen primarily because of Hokkaido’s location. Several notable cities in Japan were war damaged, hence had little facility stocks. Sapporo, on the other hand, was intact and had enough supplies. These were essential aspects in establishing the headquarters in Sapporo.

 GHQ ordered the Japanese government to construct 20,000 dependent housings (DH) in March 1946. This proved difficult because building materials were scarce, so some construction projects were stopped. However, deemed by the government as essential in the Cold War due to its strategic location, Camp Crawford’s construction continued and was erected quickly in Sapporo.

 GHQ appropriated the land of the Hokkaido Animal Husbandry Experimental Station Makomanai as the site. It was located south of Sapporo’s city center, about 4-6 kilometers away, upstream of Toyohira river. Jozankei railways was at the eastern side. These proved valuable to maintaining good living conditions and sanitation. Also, beneficial for swift construction.

 Private contractors organized a special union to construct the new camp. The union received the contract as a single unit. This approach was outstanding at that time since it can be recognized as the initial stages of a joint venture (JV) agreement. The JV was definitively established during the 1950’s in Japan. Construction was delayed but eventually completed as supply of building materials for this particular camp was a priority. 8th army head Eichelberger evaluated it as “too expensive.” Consider though, that the camp had several facilities and covered a vast plot of land. Also, the land area for one DH was the largest among all camps in Japan.

 The DH and troop housing (TH) were developed concurrently, a unique feature here since, typically in GHQ’s camps across Japan, these would be built separately. This camp’s site plan was influenced by topography and old facilities. TH and DH areas were situated in the eastern part of the site where it was dry and higher than the west. The service facilities were on the west amidst gently rolling terrain. TH was on the upper section of the site’s eastern part, laid out on a grid using the old farm road. Below it, the DH was arranged on curved roads, following GHQ standard. Several facilities were added, making the camp almost a small city.

 TH area had, among others, an office, PX, bakery, church, theater, clubs, library, gym, sports grounds, and golf link. DH area had detached and row houses using GHQ standards, except for the roof material. Instead, the roof was finished with sheet iron, characteristic of the cold region, and contributing to high costs. However, the GHQ used existing facilities and new buildings were simple. The camp was generally using excellent specifications when compared to Japanese buildings at that time.

 After derequisition, late 1950's, the site was transformed to the Japan Self-Defense Force Base and a prefectural residential area, Makomanai Danchi. The DH area was once used as Olympic village, the golf link for stadiums. Camp Crawford is the foundation of present residential suburbs.

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 This article has two purposes. One is to clarify requisitioning of land and buildings in the urban area of Nagoya. Another is to investigate the construction process and features of two dependent housing (DH) districts, American Village and Castle Heights, during GHQ’s occupation in Nagoya.

 On 26 September 1945, the vanguard unit advanced into Nagoya from Kyoto City which was the base of the 6th Army. Shortly, Nagoya became headquarters of the Tokai and Hokuriku regions (first charged areas were Aichi, Gifu and Shizuoka prefectures). In February 1946, the army’s occupation unit changed to the 5th Air Force and were stationed in Nagoya and Komaki. Before the arrival of the 5th Air Force, there were few buildings that could be requisitioned because of huge damages brought by the war. At that time, Aichi prefecture and Nagoya City was focused on war damage reconstruction. The project was carried out with Nagoya City as the enforcer. The main projects were land readjustment, road improvements such as two 100-meter-wide roads, and parks maintenance. This project was a remarkable achievement in the urban redevelopment carried out nationwide after WWII.

 GHQ ordered the construction of 20,000 dependent housing (DH) for the Japanese government on 6 March 1946. Then, the 5th Air Force planned an “American Village” close to Shirakawa town, an old commercial district in Nagoya. Furthermore, they planned “Castle Heights” near Nagoya Castle which was a former Japanese Army site, regiment headquarters, military housing and the like. During the construction, they demolished part of the former Japanese Army's facilities to create the site. As a result, Nagoya has two DH districts in the city center which was a notable feature recognized nationwide. Thereafter, local governments determined the site of the American Village in five days following the 5th Air Force request. The information on construction of the American Village was released as a prefectural notice on 1 June 1946. The measurement and planning of the American Village was carried out by the City of Nagoya as part of the war damage rehabilitation endeavor. This fact reveals that the construction projects for the occupation army and war damage rehabilitation were closely related.

 The American Village was completed in June 1947. It was designed according to GHQ’s guideline for DH construction. The DH district had nine types of houses with numerous facilities such as a church, club house, school, PX, softball ground, swimming pool and so on. Consequently, the American Village could be characterized as a small town. Castle Heights, on the other hand, was not of the same magnitude of the American Village, it was only considered a residential area.

 The 5th Air Force did not withdraw from Nagoya immediately after the Treaty of Peace with Japan took effect on 28 April 1952. This caused the late derequisitioning of land and buildings in Nagoya. It also affected war damage rehabilitation, especially with the two DH districts. The existence of the DH districts disturbed construction of the 100-meter-wide road (presently Wakamiya odori), Shirakawa Park, and two 50-meter-wide roads (presently Fushimi dori and Dekimachi dori). In fact, land and buildings owners and the City of Nagoya petitioned for release from the GHQ. The war damage rehabilitation was finally completed only after liberation.

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二次世界大戦が終結してから六〇年が経過した現今、「戦後」を対象とした歴史研究が盛んであり、法史学の立場からの言及も見られるようになってきた。本稿は如上の現況を踏まえ、「史研究」の立場からの戦後改革研究、及び、実定法学者による期法制改革研究の中から、「戦後日本法史」あるいは「現代日本法史」の構築に資すると筆者が考える業績を紹介するものである。その前提として、第二次世界大戦後の我が国における「管理」の枠組みと、その実施のために用いられた「ポツダム命令」を中心とする法令についても若干の検討を試みた。
この領域で最も研究が進んでいる日本国憲法の制定過程についての研究は、一九五〇年代の憲法調査会の活動により先鞭がつけられたが、アメリカ側史料の公開と日本側史料の整理が進んだことにより、多角的視点による通史的叙述、逐条的な実証研究、側の多様性の分析、本格的な史料批判などが行われている。それ以外の法領域については、本稿では一九四六年に設けられた臨時法制調査会の活動に即して研究動向を紹介したが、多くの法領域では、日本側立法関係者の同時代的な研究及び史料翻刻に加え、アメリカ側史料の利用がようやく始まった段階である。
地方制度改革・教育改革・経済改革などの「史研究」が盛んな分野では現在、政策の実施過程への関心が高まりつつある。「戦後日本法史」あるいは「現代日本法史」は、戦後期の我が国における「アメリカ法継受」のあり方の検証も視野に含めて、これらの研究に積極的に応答する必要があるが、そのためには洗練された方法論が不可欠である。

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Vaccination is of great value to us. Protection from inoculation is more than the prevention of infectious disease. It is a political theme of the worldwide security pact. However, there were fear and anxiety for vaccination in the world, particularly in Japan. Japan constituted the Preventive Vaccination Law in 1948 under Allied Powers occupation. It was very enforceable law unlike any other in the world. Its broad coverage of vaccination was made up by the policy of GHQ. The law obliged Japanese people to get inoculations with domestic vaccine. It seems hat many vaccination accidents that occurred later in Japan were caused by the poor vaccine production system. The risks of vaccinations were already mentioned in GHQ documents, but it was not regarded as important in the Preventive Vaccination Law of Japan. It also caused many problems with vaccinations. GHQ/5CAP PHW improved many problems in Japanese public sanitation in postwar years, but it is also true that they left some problems for the later in Japan. The Preventive Vaccination Law continued into effect without changing its legal force after the end of the occupation, and caused smallpox vaccination evils. The forced attitude, which is military medical in the Preventive Vaccination Law, was finally over in the legal revision in 1994. These historic facts are considered a possible reason of some Japanese vaccinations avoidance.

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東京帝国大学附属図書館は,1942(昭和17)年,北京の中華民国新民会から図書雑誌新聞の譲渡を受ける。これは,中田邦造が新民会や興亜院華北連絡部などと交渉の末,実現したものであった。敗戦後,軍による略奪財産の捜索が始まり,図書館は,譲り受けた資料を略奪品として届け出る。資料は,軍の命令により,1948年(昭和23年),横須賀にて中国政府へ引き渡された。

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本稿では、まず

期に日本で撮影され、米国に所在する写真史料の全般的状況を現地調査に基づいて整理した。写真素材をオフィシャル写真、パーソナル写真、プレス写真の3つに、還元する主体を公的機関、研究者・コミュニティ、出版社等営利団体の３つに区分した上で、還元のあり方を分類した。さらに今後の還元の方向として、①公開度を高める、②コレクションを横断する、③地域に戻すという3つを提示した。具体的には、①研究者が保持しているオフィシャル写真を共有すること、②研究コミュニティが研究ツールとしている複数のパーソナル写真を共有すること、③撮影された場所や地点に写真を持ち込み、写真を囲む場を作ることを提示した。

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Interference by Dutch colonial authority in Java's village administration was indirect in comparison with that in higher levels of administration. Chiefs of the higher administrative units such as kabupaten, kewedanaan and kecamatan were appointed as local administrative officials called pangreh praja. On the other hand, a village headman was a man of renown in his village who was elected through an election for mere form's sake. And a newly-elected village headman often had a blood relationship to his predecessor. So naturally he was not a modern administrative official.
Assuming he was a modern administrative official, he must have had the two essential qualifications, namely occupational skills and the occupational loyalty. But village headmen had neither occupational skills nor occupational loyalty, because he was not a modern administrative official.
After the beginning of Japanese occupation, Java's society rapidly became involved in the wartime economy. And village headmen, whose title was changed to kucho, meaning the head of ku, were made to bear the responsibility for all of the demands that the Japanese authorities made of the villages. In short, a village headman was required to be the lowest-level administrative official.
The Japanese demands seemed to have two aspects. On one hand, a kucho was required to be a capable official with occupational skills to handle new tasks. On the other hand, he was supposed to be a spokesman with occupational loyalty to the Japanese authorities. But in fact, the majority of kucho could not sufficiently adapt themselves to these new conditions. For example, most kuchos were illiterate. Furthermore, many kuchos were dismissed or arrested on suspicion of non-cooperation with Japan.
In February 1944, a new ordinance on the election and dismissal of kucho called Kucho Senkyo Himen Rei was promulgated in order to save this situation, but this ordinance had a structural defect. According to this ordinance, every incumbent kucho was allowed a tenure of 4 years starting on the 1st of March 1944. Consequently, an election was not expected unless an incumbent kucho was dismissed, retired or died.
At this point, a short training course for kuchos called Kucho Koshukai was prepared to save this immediate situation. But these short training courses were usually only for a few days. In such a short time period, it was impossible for a kucho to improve his occupational skills such as literacy. I think the main purpose of this Kucho Koshukai was to cultivate the occupational loyalty of kuchos to the Japanese authorities, the other essential qualification for modern administrative officials.
I assumed that the main requirement of kuchos was to have occupational loyalty. Thus, a kucho was merely a spokesman for Japanese rule in his village, and it was in fact difficult for him to improve his occupational skills.
I used Sinar Baroe, an Indonesian daily newspaper, as the main historiographical source for this research. Sinar Baroe was published in Semarang city between July 1942 and September 1945 with permission of the Japanese authorities.

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