The aim of this study was to figure out the factors of why aging people keep practicing Kendo for such a long term in their life. To conduct this study, we gave 40 questionnaires to different people who were aging Kendo players. We gathered the data through the mail. The total numbers from the data collected was 437 and we tried to analyze the statistics. The results of this study were as follows :

1. There were seven factors of motivation that measured the aging people who keep practicing Kendo for long terms. The first one was “there are no barriers for Kendo skills depending on age". The second was “to release from the stress of life". The third was “the moral of Kendo". The fourth was “the spirit of Kendo". The fifth was “the desire to win in a competition etc". The sixth was “the tradition of Kendo". And the final one was “the communication with family by doing Kendo".

2. There were not significant differences between the seven factors depending on the age of the aging Kendo players, the period of Kendo training, and the grade that the player was at in Kendo.

3. The certification examination for Kendo is important for the motivation of the aging player especially for the player who has already achieved the sixth grade. The exam is important for motivation because they want to get to the seventh grade, but actually it is not so hard for the aging player who has sixth grade already.

4. However, when a player has been practicing Kendo for too long, it might cause less motivation to take the examination.

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Al-Husein b. Muhammad b. 'Ali al Ja'fari ar-Rughdi or simply known as Ibn Bibi after his mother, many times uses the term of “ilkhan” in his Anatolian history of Al-avamir al-'ala'iyye fi al-Umur al-'ala'iyye.
Carefully examining the uses of this title in the faximile of the unique Istanbul manuscript, the author of this paper concludes that Ibn Bibi called by this title Törege Khatun, Ögedei's wife and regent after his death. So, the meaning of this term would not be “the subjugated khan”, but “khan of the people”, because the other title of this regent was “Ulus Beg”, which means “the lord of the state”.
Accordingly, Hülegü's title of “il-khan”, when he assumed this title about after twelve years, would mean also “the khan of the people”. This regental title should not be maintained after the conversion of Ghazan-khan so this word was omitted from the legend of his coins as well as his soccessors, just like another inscription of “khaghanu nereber (by the order of the khaghan)”, which was turned into “Möngke tengrin küchündür (in the strength of the eternal Heaven)”.

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What kind of title a ruler (monarch) took is an important matter to show the characrer of a given state. The fact that the Ritsuryo-state of Japan in eighth century was based on the Chinese constitutional system and that the monarch at that time took a special title 'Tenno' (天皇, lit. ten=heaven, no=empror) should be remarked. By means of the inscription on the iron sword which was discovered recently in Sakitama-Inariyama, an old mound, we see that a monarch of Japan in fifth and sixth century was called 'Daio' 大王. The change from 'Daio' to 'Tenno' was made after seventh century according to the international negotiation with China. Therefore it seems to be sure that the name of 'Tenno' came from Chinese term. If it is true, from which Tenno of China Japanese governor took its name? And for what did he adopt the title 'Tenno'? To answer these questions, I tried to consider the thought background of the motive in this paper. Among the past studies on Tenno, Sokichi Tsuda's paper 'Tenno-ko' is a representative one. In this paper, he told that 'Tenno' had two meanings : one is the Divine Being from a point of astrological view, the other a fictitious character's name as an emperor from a view point of superhuman being with divine power. Each meaning is mainly based on the religious concept implying a metaphorical meaning of a monarch. There is a recent opinion, by Shigeru Watanabe and Haruyuki Tono, that Japanese usage is bound to that of 'T'ien-huang' 天皇 and 'T'ien-hou' 天后 used in the reign of Kao-tuung 高宗 in T'ang. There is also Yukihisa Yamao's opinion that a title of 'Tenno' which unified separated functions of T'ien-tzu 天子 and Huang-ti, 皇帝 was newly created in the reign of Tenji, but I cannot follow him. I make much of the siginificance of the establishment of 'Tenno' as a title of a monarch, but I cannot follow the view that a title of 'T'ien-huang' in the reign of Kao-tsung brought forth its adoption in Japan directly. Because T'ien-huang in the reign of Kao-tsung did not mean to strengthen the right of the monarch at all, but, on the contrary, to rationalize the direct imperial rule of Tse-t'ien-wu-hou 則天武后. And it may be said that a title of a monarch which was based on Huang 皇 as well as Tenno did not exist at all in China befofe T'ang. For example, T'ai-shang-huang 太上皇 was a dignified title for the monarch after his abdication or demise. In An-p'ing-hsien-wang Fu ch'uan 安平獻王誤孚伝 (Chin shu 晋書) 'T'ien-huang, T'ien-huang-chih-hou' 天皇・天皇之后 was used with a meaning of a dignified title for the past monarch. So I suppose that 'Tenno' at first had no clear meaning of a title of a monarch when the name came into Japan. Therefore I do not think the oldest date when the name was imported to Japan is bound to the first year of the Shang-yuan 上元 (674 A.D.) in the reign of Kao-tsung. In Suiko period when the first direct connection with Chinese title of a monach was made, the monarch called himself 'Tenshi (T'ien-tzu)' 天子 contrasting with a title 'Huang-ti' 皇帝 of China. This shows that Japanese side at that time accurately understood the title of a monarch of China. Taking these facts into consideration, I infer as follows : Till the end of seventh century a present ruler was called 'Tenshi 天子 '(Kotei 皇帝) as well as 'Daio' which was still used among the nation, and the past monarchs were called 'Tenno'. The name of 'Tenshi' means a very name of Chinese monarch, and at the same time, among the nations of Northeast Asia including the Japanese, the name means Ame-tarashi-hiko 阿毎多利思比弧 (Sui-shu 隋書), a noble man from the Heaven. While 'Tenno' in contrast with 'Tenshi', must be

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In the Old Kingdom, the 'Pyramid Cities' were supervised by the officials called imy-r niwt mr, ‘overseers of the pyramid city’. In this paper I have analyzed the historical change of this title and social standings of its holders.
(1) There were two types for the title of ‘overseer of the pyramid city’, one with each pyramid name and another without it. We can find the former title through the Fifth and Sixth Dynasties in the documents, but it disappeared by the end of the Sixth Dynasty. On the other hand, the latter title did not appear until the end of the Fifth Dynasty. Most officials with these two titles were classified as dignitary after the end of the Fifth Dynasty. However, holders of imy-r niwt mr without pyramid name belonged to higher rank than those who had imy-r niwt mr with pyramid name. And the title of imy-r niwt mr with pyramid name was usually held by Memphite officials, but most holders of another title were officials in Upper Egypt, especially after the later Sixth Dynasty.
(2) And there was also the third title, imy-r mr, ‘overseer of the Pyramid’. This title preceded imy-r niwt mr and existed through the Old Kingdom. But all holders of imy-r mr were lower class officials in Memphis. So imy-r mr is thought to be under the control of imy-r niwt mr after the Fifth Dynasty.
(3) These differences in appearance and social standings of three offices mean that the end of the Fifth and Sixth Dynasties were turning points in the administration of pyramid cities. It suggests that administrative reforms of pyramid cities occurred at these periods. It has been said that there were governmental reforms at the same periods. Therefore, we can conclude that the administrative changes of pyramid cities were parts of reformations of central government. And also the position of pyramid cities in the whole structure of control had risen gradually in the latter half of the Old Kingdom.

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Persepolis Fortification Tablets deal with administrative transfers of food comodities from 509 to 494B. C., that is, from the thirteenth to the twenty-eighth year of Darayavau-I. It is the main purpose of this paper to find some tentative solutions about the problems of the relations between the rites in Persepolis and the royal economy through the investigation of these texts.
The writer extracted 103 texts referring to the religious life in Persepolis and then classified them into two groups according to the text styles as below.
Group I; rations for gods, that is, rite expenses
Group II; rations for individuals with religious functions
After having analyzed them, I could get the following facts.
1) The rites were subjected to the royal economy in the respect of the material sources and man-power.
2) The royal economy showed positive concern in extending its control over the administration of rites.
3) The distinction between religious and secular circle was not so clear-cut, because there seems to have been considerably high level of mobility between them. I could recognize the two streams of the people; the outflow of priests into officials and vice versa.
4) It was Persian kara-, the main power of the conquest movement, that profited from these processes.
In principle, this was based on the request of the state at the turning point from war to peace. Haxamaniš- needed not only to rearrange the administrative system but legitimately to absorb Persian kara- into it. In fact, Darayavau-I had already declared that he would protect the profits of Persian kara- in order to maintain the Haxamaniš- dynasty.

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The First Bulgarian Kingdom was established by the Turkic nomads Bulgars. Gradually the Bulgars were assimilated to the Slav majority, but the Bulgarian aristocracy kept supremacy for a long time. In the political structure of the state were existed a traditional institution and titles of the Bulgars.
In this paper, the author consider the role of the ruler, especially take notice of the title, the authority and the succession of the throne. There were so many titles of the Bulgarian ruler, but six of them were used in the country. They were αρχων, καισαρ, πατρικιος, KANAσγBIΓI, _??__??__??__??__??__??_<_??__??__??__??_, _??__??__??__??__??__??_<_??__??__??__??_. Kαισαρ and πατρικιος are the Byzantine title of nobility. Two titles αρχων and KANAσγBIΓI were used at the same time. The Byzantine title αρχων was used mainly externally. KANAσγBIΓI, which was a Turkic compound title, consisted of two words KANA and σγBIΓI. Professor V. Besevliev explained that KANA was a rulal title of the nomadic state qan<qaγan and σγBIΓI was a compound word sü-bäg-i, i. e. “commander in chief.” But this theory is still in a hypothesis.
Bulgarian ruler came to hold both the secular power and spiritual authority. Bulgars were believers of Shamanism. They had a concept of the divine right of kings. The throne of the ruler of the Bulgarian state was exclusively in the hands of the royal clan, the Dulo, the Vokil and the clan of Krum. The position of the ruler was hereditary normally passing from father to eldest son, who was called καναρτικεινος. The order of the succession of the throne proved to be useful in stability and reinforcement of a government.

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The Sanskrit manuscript of the Tridaṇḍamālā preserved at sPos khang monastery in Tibet contains forty Tridaṇḍas. The “Tridaṇḍa” is a sūtra used for the purpose of liturgical chanting. In the Tridaṇḍamālā, forty types of Tridaṇḍa-sūtras are sandwiched between Aśvaghoṣa’s verses. In my presentation at last year’s conference at Bukkyo University (September, 2019), I shed light on the strong possibility that many of Aśvaghoṣa’s lost stanzas in the Sūtrālaṃkāra are included in the Tridaṇḍamālā. Furthermore, I also pointed out that many of the stanzas quoted in the well-known *Mahāprajñāpāramitopadeśa, translated by Kumārajīva in the 5th century, also contain the same Sūtrālaṃkāra stanzas that are found in the Tridaṇḍamāla. In this presentation, continuing my previous research, I point out that twelve stanzas relating the Tathāgata’s ten titles/names are quoted just as they are in the *Mahāprajñāpāramitopadeśa. I also notice that one of those twelve stanzas was quoted as well in Subhūticandra’s Kavikāmadhenu, composed around the 11th–12th century, and that the Sūtropadeśālaṃkāra is considered as the original source of this very stanza.

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'Stylel' was one of the new and important concepts in the Meiji era when the Western architecture was actively introduced into Japan. Japan had had several words which partially conveyed the concept of 'style', but had not the same word. This paper discusses the process of reception of the concept through the investigation of Japanese equivalents for 'style'. At the end of Meiji era, the word 'yoshiki' became generally to be used as a Japanese equivalent for 'style' just as we use it today. But before that, traditional Japanese words, like 'yo', 'shiki', 'fu', 'ryu', 'ha', had been used as equivalents for 'style' at the same time. Some writers used them each in its proper way according to the meaning of 'style' in the context.

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This essay discusses physical culture and the establishment of the bukh system during Mongolia's socialist era and the reform of “traditional bukh” following democratization. It examines, in particular, the process through which traditional bukh wrestling has become a modern sport, focusing on the reforms the Bukh Federation has undertaken since 1990. Although this approach provides only a brief look at bukh during a short moment in its long history, it is distinguished by its emphasis on spontaneous and democratic modernization of the sport from the “inside” and from “below, ” in contrast to traditional studies, which have concentrated on the formation of a bukh system from “above” through the exercise of centralized power.
The Bukh Federation, founded in 1990, took the position that “bukh is an ancient tradition that preserves in condensed form the essence of Mongolian culture.” By giving a precise definition to the concepts of “bukh wrestling, ” “wrestlers, ” and “spectators, ” and thereby reviving, revitalizing, and commercializing “traditional bukh, ” the Federation hoped to modernize the sport. This was intended, in the words of Federation leaders, to bring “traditional bukh” into the modern era. By setting up a modern bukh league with a large everyday following while stage-managing “traditional bukh” as a part of the Naadam national festival, the Federation skillfully merged this modernist discourse with the actual pratice of bukh.
I call this process “the embodiment of tradition.” On the one hand, the modernization of bukh aimed not so much to internationalize the sport as to spread to other Mongolian-related groups a form of wrestling perfected inside Mongolia and reflecting a purely Mongolian ethnos. Thus, the modern reproduction of traditional bukh involves the construction of bukh culture as a symbol of a distinctly national or ethnic culture through the mutual interaction of the state and the Bukh Federation based on the twin concepts of nationalism and “tradition.”

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On the full account of the author's opinion on this problem, please see the Proceedings of the International Symposium on Chandi Borobudur, Tokyo 1981, in which the author deals with the following points in details:
1) The ancestors of the Sailendra royal line were in a leadership position among the Old Malay speaking population in some colony of Srivijaya in Java.
2) Though originally Sivaites, under the widespread Buddhist influence from Srivijaya, their native land, they converted to Buddhism.
3) Under the economic development of Srivijaya, they came to dominate over the area west of Central Java. This country in the west of Java was called Ho-ling in the Chinese sources. (As there were no kingdom in Java except Sailendra and Mataram in those days, we have no choice but to identify Holing with Sailendra, because the Buddhism had floulished in either country).
4) In the mid-eighth century, they advanced eastward to Central Java and pressured the Mataram kingdom.
5) As a symbol of the dynasty's devotion to Buddhism, they built candi Borobudur to the southwest of the capital, and the date of beginning of its construction was ca. 780 A. D.
6) There arose discord for the suzerainty over Java among the members of the Sailendra royal line during the construction work of candi Borobudur, probably in the second quarter of the 9th century.
7) Samaragravira was defeated in this war, and he escaped then to Srivijaya, becoming the king of that country.
8) By the latter half of the 9th century, the suzerainty over Java had passed completely into the hands of the Mataram kings.

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　本稿では、イェーシェードルジェーの活躍年代を翻訳者から推定し、8世紀には活躍していたと考える。特に、タントラの分類法では4種類の分類法が示されており、流伝前期には翻訳されていた可能性を鑑みると非常に興味深い。儀軌については、イェーシェードルジェー作が半数以上を占める「百八法」というまとめ方が古くからあったと推定され、一定の権威を持っていたものと考えられる。

　さらに、タントラの分類や親近行のひとつである六種本尊に言及している点は、Buddhaguhyaと似通った思想がみられる。奥書から判断すればイェーシェードルジェーはBuddhaguhyaよりも以前に活躍していた人物と考えられ、Buddhaguhyaを含め、後代に影響を与えた可能性もあることから、今後も引き続き注意して追っていきたい。

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