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  • 名士
    林業経済
    1985年 38 巻 8 号 i
    発行日: 1985/08/20
    公開日: 2018/04/13
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 三田谷 啓
    心理研究
    1921年 20 巻 120 号 389-405
    発行日: 1921/12/01
    公開日: 2010/07/16
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 杉浦 宗男, 鈴村 順三
    日本物理学会講演概要集
    2002年 57.1.4 巻 27pXM-9
    発行日: 2002/03/01
    公開日: 2018/03/04
    会議録・要旨集 フリー
  • 酒井 倫夫
    日本英学史研究会研究報告
    1965年 1965 巻 13 号 1-3
    発行日: 1965/05/29
    公開日: 2010/11/17
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 萩野 浩一, 小林 良彦, 豊田 直樹, 中村 哲
    日本物理学会誌
    2019年 74 巻 9 号 655-658
    発行日: 2019/09/05
    公開日: 2020/03/10
    ジャーナル フリー

    歴史の小径

    ラザフォードの指導を受けた日本人若手研究者――S. Obaとは誰か

  • 県外流出に関する事例研究
    原田 彰
    教育社会学研究
    1969年 24 巻 113-125,en221
    発行日: 1969/10/10
    公開日: 2011/03/18
    ジャーナル フリー
    (1) 一般的にいって、高等教育学歴を獲得した者は、出身地域から流出する傾向がみられる。もちろん、それは職業や地域の特性によってかなり差異がある。また東大、京大、その他の帝大、東京の私大、地元の工専等の学校がそれぞれ地域移動に対して演ずる役割には差異がある.
    (2) 地方の出身地域を離れて大都市で成功した人たちには、二つのタイプがある。一つは、有利な学歴なしに上昇移動して「
    名士
    」と呼ばれうる地位を獲得したものであり、他は、高等教育学歴を獲得したのち、主として官僚制的昇進によって高い地位に到達したものである。この調査では、前者は少なく、後者が優勢となっている。大都市に移動する独立自営型の人物は、土着のものにくらべて、土台づくりからはじめなければならないというハンディキャップがあり、それだけ冒険心、強い意志を必要とするが、その成功は偶然的なチャンスに左右されやすいのであろう.
    (3) 出身地域にとどまる「
    名士
    」たちのなかにも、有利な学歴所有者がいないわけではない。彼らは、大学教授、医師などとなって出身地域内に定着しているが、それとともに注目されるのは中央とのつながりという点で重要な意味をもつ県の要職などに地位を占めている者がいることである。しかし、それらの地位も、県内出身者よりはむしろ中央官庁から送り込まれる県外出身の有利な学歴所有者によって占められる傾向にある.
  • 楯身 智志
    法制史研究
    2009年 58 巻 331-336
    発行日: 2009/03/30
    公開日: 2014/03/31
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 安部 聡一郎
    史学雑誌
    2000年 109 巻 12 号 2235-
    発行日: 2000/12/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 安部 聡一郎
    史学雑誌
    2002年 111 巻 10 号 1591-1620,1732-
    発行日: 2002/10/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    In order to find a clue to a new understanding of the history of the Eastern Han Dynasty and the Wei-Jin 魏晋,the author reex-amines descriptions of Dang Gu 党錮,the oppression of the members of the so-called "faction" in the last decades of the Eastern Han Dynasty. This is based on the difference between the Eastern Han and the Wei-Jin, to which some scholars have already called attention, and what the author examined in previous papers on the transfiguration of Eastern Han-related descriptions from Dong Guan Han Ji 『東觀漢記』 to Fan Hua 范曄's Hou Han Shu 『後漢書』 , via Xie Cheng 謝承's Hou Han Shu and six other Hou Han Shu, influenced by the consciousness and understanding of the history of the Eastern Han Dynasty in the Wei-Jin. That oppression has been an important point in the research on the historical development from the late Eastern Han to the Wei-Jin and the formation of aristocratic social institutions during that period. In particular, the research of KAWAKATSU Yoshio 川勝義雄 has had a great deal of influence. KAWAKATSU argues that the so-called "upright-literati" 清流士大夫, which took the lead in the so-called "upright-group" 清流勢力, which was the origin of the aristocracy in the Wei-Jin, was organized autonomously into a pyramidal system of assessing persons 郷論関節の重層構造. His argument is principally based on the "ranking" personages
    名士
    の「番付」, which is described in Dang Gu Lie Zhuan 党錮列伝 of Fan Hua's Hou Han Shu. However, reexamining the description of that "ranking" process with the above-mentioned transfiguration of Eastern Han-related descriptions in mind, it is obvious that on the one hand, the title in the Zhang Jian 張儉's group must have really existed in the period of Dang Gu, but on the other, the "ranking" personages in the world 天下
    名士
    の「番付」 and titles in this "ranking", such as San Jun 三君 and Ba Jun 八俊, must have appeared between the Western Jin to the Eastern Jin Dynasties. This means that the "ranking" personages in the world based on the understanding of the history of the Eastern Han Dynasty in the Wei-Jin, therefore, cannot overrate the relationship of literati 士大夫 in the period of Dang Gu. This brings up the subjects of local powerful families, and Wang Fa 王法, the idea of rule which spread from the center to the local level, the provinces Jun 郡 in which the rule of Wang Fa appeared, and, moreover, reconsidering various subjects of the formation of aristocratic institutions from the view of the relation between local powerful families and the Wang Fa. This also brings up the subjects of the self-identification of the aristocracy in the Wei-Jin and the legitimacy of these dynasties, through the way in which these descriptions were made. These points need to be investigated when researching in the history of the Eastern Han Dynasty and the Wei-Jin in the future.
  • 土地法改正と行政・税制改革
    江川 ひかり
    オリエント
    1995年 38 巻 1 号 61-78
    発行日: 1995/09/30
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    In the present paper, the author analyzes the local administrative and tax reforms during the Tanzimat period (1839-1876) in relation to the Land Law Revisions, in order to understand the problems posed for Turkish rural society at the time. In the present paper, the Land Law Revisions means the 1858 Land Law and the process of codifications and revisions.
    The aim of the Tanzimat reform movement of the Ottoman Empire was to establish a “modern” state based on the rule of law. Prior to the reform movement, Turkish rural society can be characterized as existing in a state of weakening central control and controlled by local notables (â'yâns) acquiring de facto private ownership of land through tax farming contracts and the management of large scale farms known as çiftliks. Thus the local notables gained control over local political affairs. Therefore, the objective of the Tanzimat reforms was +o regain state control over rural society by rebuilding a centralized state order.
    Research concerning the administrative and tax reforms during the Tanzimat period has been dominated by institutional historical approaches, while the perspective of the land problem in relation to the agrarian society has been virtually ignored. On the other hand, studies concerning the Land Law Revisions from the perspective of legal history have been conducted by Ö. L. Barkan and H. Cin. The only research to date concerning the direct effects of the Tanzimat reforms on agrarian society has been conducted by H. Inalcik, who dealt primarily with the early period of the Tanzimat reforms, and thus provides minimal or no analysis of the actual influences of the post-1850 reforms and the Land Law Revisions on the rural society.
    Concerning the process of implementation of the Land Law Revisions, Y. Nagata has stressed the necessity of analyzing the political and socio-economic struggles over landownership among the central government, local notables and rural population in relation to the Ottoman Empire opening up to the penetration of the international economy. Thus with consideration to the above mentioned factors, the author focuses, in the present paper, on the interests and roles played by the above three parties in a discussion of the concrete points of dispute: namely, the strengthening of control over state land (mîrî), and a policy to standardize the âsâr tithe and later temporarily increase the rate.
    From this perspective, the author is able to show that these two attempts are very closely related not only to the Land Law Revisions, but also to the Tanzimat administrative and tax reforms. In concrete terms, firstly, the government, in order to regain control of rural society and rebuild a centralized state organization, aimed at strengthening its control over mîrî through the regional administrative mechanism. In the Title deed Act of 1859, we find detailed terms concerning the registration of land titles, which clealy illustrates an attempt to legitimize the holdings and the use of mîrî.
    Secondly, the author demonstrates that the Tanzimat tax reforms were implemented with the express purpose of guaranteeing land tax revenues as the largest source of funding for the entire reform process. After abolishing most of the traditional taxes, the government standardized the âsâr tithe at a rate of 10% for the whole country. Furthermore in 1867, in return for recognizing an enlarged inheritance rights of personal holding of the mîrî, the government temporarily attempted to increase the âsâr tithe. In other words, the firm establishment of both centralized control over mîrî in rural society and the âsâr tithe as an important source of revenue for impoverished public coff
  • 飯野 りさ
    日本中東学会年報
    2013年 29 巻 2 号 37-65
    発行日: 2014/01/15
    公開日: 2018/03/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    This article deals with a socio-cultural structure of singing tradition in the historic city of Aleppo with a specific focus on singer-notable relations in the old city. This study explores the background for the continuity of this tradition by shedding light on two socio-cultural aspects; first the positioning of this tradition and singers in society and second their relations with the elite. In the Mashriq region, Cairo saw the rise of secular and new musical scenes in the 20th century, while in this tradition of Aleppo religious singers, munshid in Arabic, still played an important role. Firstly their quality of being religious singers gave them more freedom for activities in Muslim society, where the centrality of religion was highly respected. And the social norms put more emphasis not on music itself but on conditions such as time, place, and companion when listening to music. In this context talented singers used to sing at courtyard house of the elite in the old city and were able to identify themselves as companion to the elite due to their art as well as to their religious quality. All these factors helped them shape their distinct identity and create group cohesiveness to preserve the repertoire as well as musical knowledge, which have been passed down to date.
  • 三谷 比
    名士
    , 横山 英一郎, 斎藤 賢一, 大石 幸彦
    日本泌尿器科学会雑誌
    2001年 92 巻 2 号 176-
    発行日: 2001/02/20
    公開日: 2017/04/06
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 市川房江を中心に
    伊藤康子
    愛知県史研究
    2017年 21 巻 34-47
    発行日: 2017年
    公開日: 2019/08/27
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 中村 威也
    史学雑誌
    2002年 111 巻 3 号 403-404
    発行日: 2002/03/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 地学雑誌
    1980年 89 巻 1 号 Plate1-Plate2
    発行日: 1980/02/25
    公開日: 2009/11/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 婦人雑誌における食関連情報を中心に
    村瀬 敬子
    マス・コミュニケーション研究
    2016年 89 巻 103-120
    発行日: 2016/07/31
    公開日: 2017/10/06
    ジャーナル フリー
     This paper clarifies when and how local foods( i.e., Kyoudo Ryouri or Kyoudo Syoku) became associated with the gender norms of “home cooking,” which hold that women( mothers, wives, and housewives) should take the leading role in this area.   The main magazine that studied it was Shufu no Tomo (from the March 1917 issue to the July 1945 issue). A discourse analysis was carried out on information about foods associated with a particular region. The same analysis was also carried out in Fujin Kurabu, which served as a comparative reference.   Past research has pointed out that local foods were historically and socially constructed. According to these established theories, in the 1940s, the first attention was paid to Kyoudo Syoku as substitute foods. In their high-growth period, it became commonly accepted that local foods were gender-specific.   However, due to the fact that local foods had already been discovered as early as the 1920s and 1930s in women’s magazines, and that they had been positioned as a variation of“ home cooking,” this study indicated that they were already gender-specific at that time. It was also found that readers’ contributions to local foods also played an important role. For these reasons, the study indicated that inclusion of local foods in women’s magazines was a process of “objectification of culture,” participated in by the readers, rather than a process of constructing an identity for those leaving their “local” or “regional” hometowns.
  • 加越能郷友会の事例
    井上 好人
    教育社会学研究
    2006年 78 巻 191-211
    発行日: 2006/05/31
    公開日: 2011/03/18
    ジャーナル フリー
    In modernizing Japan, people from rural districts came to occupy many important positions in government officials, elite professionals and employees of private corporations in the metropolitan areas (major cities). They are called “Moving Elites.” Considering that these “Moving Elites” moved away from their hometowns to live near their workplaces, the author decided to examine the types of social networks they established in the cities where they lived with people other than their classmates at school and colleagues at work. The paper aims to determine the method of communication used by the “Moving Elites” with others in different professions in the cities where they worked and the differences in methods of communication between people in their hometowns and those in the cities where they worked. Based on this question, this thesis focuses on the “Kaetsuno Association, ” which was established by people from Ishikawa and Toyama prefectures at the beginning of the Meiji Period and was active until the beginning of World War II. This thesis uses, as the target of analysis, people who graduated from junior high schools and high schools in the Meiji Period. The characteristics of the human networks of “Moving Elites” are examined, for both members and non-members of the association. The results are as follows.
    1. The people who became members of the Kaetsuno Association were graduates from imperial universities and military related schools in education, who took jobs as military officers, teachers and government officials. On the other hand, graduates of private institutions of higher education, who worked in commerce, manufacturing industries and farming, had only a peripheral relationship to the association.
    2. From a generational viewpoint, there was a tendency for individuals from the newer generation who graduated from junior high schools under the old education system at the end of Meiji Period to show little interest in joining the association compared to members of older generations.
    3. Although members of the association actively discussed their hometowns and the characteristics of people from their home regions, the purpose of the discussions was not to unify people from the same districts, but to reveal anxieties concerning their identities in the cities, frustrations when their opportunities for promotion at work decreased, and even their communication problems with others. It is totally impossible to conclude that the association was able to create a situation that resembled the cultural unification of “upper groups of middle class people, ” despite the fact that they were originally from rural districts. Only the aspect of the isolation of “Moving Elites” stood out in the association.
  • 近藤 信彰
    オリエント
    1998年 41 巻 1 号 125-140
    発行日: 1998/09/30
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    The coup d'état of 1791 is one of the well-known episodes in Iranian History. Hajji Ebrahim, the mayor (kalantar) of Shiraz, revolted against the Zand ruler, Lotf 'Ali Khan, and took Shiraz, the capital, away from him. After ten months, Hajji Ebrahim handed over Shiraz to Aqa Mohammad Khan Qajar, and contributed to his triumph over the Zands.
    However, why Hajji Ebrahim could carry out the coup d'état? He was only the mayor, which was not a military office. And why could he repulse the attacks of the Zand army during ten months? Little is known about these questions. The purposes of this paper are to investigate his origin, his career, and the process of the coup, and to reconsider its character on the basis of contemporary sources. Main arguments are following:
    1. The ancestors of Hajji Ebrahim were merchants and probably converts from Judaism. Though he was not a man of noble origins, nor a Sayyed, he was appointed to the kalantar because of his skills in administration.
    2. His brothers were commander of musketeers corps of Shiraz after the death of Karim Khan and took part in some military expeditions. Hajji Ebrahim and his brother intervened in conflicts for the successions of the Zands with musketeers corps, and assumed great prominence in the Zand government.
    3. While the coup d'état of 1791 was also carried out with musketeers corps, Hajji Ebrahim was allied with other notables of other districts in Fars, and they planned to form a ‘federative government’ and refused to submit to any sovereign at first, though they were forced to accept the rule of the Qajars at last.
    4. It is concluded that Hajji Ebrahim had same characteristics as the other local powers in Iran, though his rule over Shiraz was over after the nine months. And the success of the coup shows the fact that local powers grew strong enough to upset the dynasty.
  • 葭森 健介
    史学雑誌
    1986年 95 巻 1 号 38-61,142-144
    発行日: 1986/01/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー

    This paper suggests that the government of Tsao-Shuang, the last one of the Tsao dynasty, can be seen as a transitional stage leading from the nepotistic rule of the Han (漢) dynasty to the aristocracy of the Wei-Chin Nan-Pei (魏晉南北) dynasties. However, due to the Tsao-Shuang government's radical policy of centralization, opposition from local powers arose resulting in its overthrow by Ssu ma-I (司馬懿). Consequently, Ssu ma-I, recognizing the reason's for the failure of the Tsao-Shuang, government, implemented a revision of the Chung Cheng system, which respected local power. In A.D. 249 the imperial government of the Wei (魏) State at Loyang (洛陽) was overthrown by Ssu ma-I, a general under the Tsao dynasty. This incident would ultimately lead to the establishment of the Western Chin (西晉) dynasty in A.D. 265. At the time of Ssu ma-I's revolt, de facto political power was held by Tsao-Shuang, an imperial prince who was adviser to the young emperor Tsao-Fang (曹芳). This arrangement, which was in accordance with the last wishes of the previous Emperor Tsao-Jui (曹叡), involved a situation in which political power was shared by royalty according to kinship ties and co-provincial (common birthplace) ties with the Emperor. A pattern of nepotistic rule was also apparent during the reign of the Han dynasty ruler Weich'i (外戚). Another aspect of political power under Tsao-Shuang concerns the careers of those in the upper echelons of the political structure. Most were noted literati, famed for their literary works and general scholastic ability. They had gained positions of great influence by cultivating ties with the scions of distinguished families in the court of Emperor Tsao-Jui. The Emperor, suspecting these literati of stirring public opinion against Confucianism, instituted various represive measures to counteract their allegedly destructive influence. The literati found the young nobles to be sympathetic to their plight and, following the Emperor's demise, were able to use their connections to attain prominent positions under the new ruler, Tsao-Shuang. Later, He-An (何晏), a head of the Lipu (吏部), the government office, placed members of the literati and the notables in positions of power in an attempt to establish an effective political base. It is believed that the Wei-Chin Nan-Pei dynastic Period was characterized by a largely aristocratic polity consisting of the notables and literati. Scholars believe that the notables and literati had great influence on public opinion and their status was recognized in return by the general public. If this point of view is accepted, the government of Tsao-Shuang, can be seen as a transitional stage leading from the nepotistic rule, which characterized the Han dynasty, to the aristocracy of the Wei-Chin Nan-Pei dynasties, despite the fact that the overly centralized power wielded by the government of Tsao-Shuang was effectively counteracted by local public opinion. Ssu ma-I overthrew the government of Tsao-Shuang with the backing of local public opinion and attempted to reform the aristocratic basis of government by instituting the Chiu P'in Chung Cheng (九品中正) system, whereby public officials were assigned on the basis of public opinion. The Chou Ta Chung Cheng (州大中正) system was later established to expand the Chung Cheng system by instituting the Chou Ta Chung Cheng, which was positioned above the existing Ch'un Chung Cheng (郡中正) and insured local rights in governmental personnel affairs. Prior to Ssu ma-I's revolt this policy had not been implemented due to the opposition of these close to Tsao-Shuang, who had established the right of the Lipu to handle civil service personnel affairs. The implementation of the Chou Ta Chung Cheng system is usually regarded as an instance of centralization of administiative power. However, in view of the historical trend described in this paper, it is seen more as an

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  • ズクニーン修道院年代記を中心として
    太田 敬子
    オリエント
    1998年 41 巻 2 号 61-79
    発行日: 1998年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    The second cAbbasid Caliph al-Mansur (754-775) constructed a system of provincial government toward the end of his reign. This article examines the reformation and reinforcement of the provincial administration during this period, focusing on the characteristics and changes of the taxation system in the province of al-Jazira. There are abundant materials in a Syriac narrative called the Chronicle of Zuqnin Monastery which provided the author with a wealth of information. This valuable source traced how the Caliph and the governor Musa b. Muscab exerted control over the inhabitants and collected revenues.
    The Caliph and Musa appointed various officials and tax collectors to administer the province. The registrars of tacdil were responsible for taking a census of the population. The investigators of sawfi surveyed and developed state-owned land. Officials were designated to put stigma and identification tag on the inhabitants; to collect cushr, or customs and tax for merchandise and commerce; to pursue the fugitives, or those who left their domicile. Men were also appointed to collect sadaqat al-mal from the Arabs and jizya from non-Muslims. All of these officials were appointed and sent to the districts of al-Jazira to establish complete and direct control over the population and their property and to establish a taxation system levying taxes on all inhabitants without exception.
    The policies were conceived by the Caliph and retained by Musa. As the process of control was reinforced, some changes occurred on its ends and means. The aim of the Caliph had been to establish a system of provincial government over his kingdom to provide ample tax revenues to the central government. Musa and his officials, on the other hand, were devoted to collecting taxes and imposing charges wherever possible, by any means fair or foul. They were primarily concerned with winning the favor with their authorities and looked after making their own profit. On the end, their activities caused a great deal of damage and confusion in al-Jazira, showing the limitations of cAbbasid government's administrative reforms.
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