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全文: "名士"
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  • 三田谷 啓
    心理研究
    1921年 20 巻 120 号 389-405
    発行日: 1921/12/01
    公開日: 2010/07/16
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 酒井 倫夫
    日本英学史研究会研究報告
    1965年 1965 巻 13 号 1-3
    発行日: 1965/05/29
    公開日: 2010/11/17
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 安部 聡一郎
    史学雑誌
    2002年 111 巻 10 号 1591-1620,1732-
    発行日: 2002/10/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    In order to find a clue to a new understanding of the history of the Eastern Han Dynasty and the Wei-Jin 魏晋,the author reex-amines descriptions of Dang Gu 党錮,the oppression of the members of the so-called "faction" in the last decades of the Eastern Han Dynasty. This is based on the difference between the Eastern Han and the Wei-Jin, to which some scholars have already called attention, and what the author examined in previous papers on the transfiguration of Eastern Han-related descriptions from Dong Guan Han Ji 『東觀漢記』 to Fan Hua 范曄's Hou Han Shu 『後漢書』 , via Xie Cheng 謝承's Hou Han Shu and six other Hou Han Shu, influenced by the consciousness and understanding of the history of the Eastern Han Dynasty in the Wei-Jin. That oppression has been an important point in the research on the historical development from the late Eastern Han to the Wei-Jin and the formation of aristocratic social institutions during that period. In particular, the research of KAWAKATSU Yoshio 川勝義雄 has had a great deal of influence. KAWAKATSU argues that the so-called "upright-literati" 清流士大夫, which took the lead in the so-called "upright-group" 清流勢力, which was the origin of the aristocracy in the Wei-Jin, was organized autonomously into a pyramidal system of assessing persons 郷論関節の重層構造. His argument is principally based on the "ranking" personages 名士の「番付」, which is described in Dang Gu Lie Zhuan 党錮列伝 of Fan Hua's Hou Han Shu. However, reexamining the description of that "ranking" process with the above-mentioned transfiguration of Eastern Han-related descriptions in mind, it is obvious that on the one hand, the title in the Zhang Jian 張儉's group must have really existed in the period of Dang Gu, but on the other, the "ranking" personages in the world 天下名士の「番付」 and titles in this "ranking", such as San Jun 三君 and Ba Jun 八俊, must have appeared between the Western Jin to the Eastern Jin Dynasties. This means that the "ranking" personages in the world based on the understanding of the history of the Eastern Han Dynasty in the Wei-Jin, therefore, cannot overrate the relationship of literati 士大夫 in the period of Dang Gu. This brings up the subjects of local powerful families, and Wang Fa 王法, the idea of rule which spread from the center to the local level, the provinces Jun 郡 in which the rule of Wang Fa appeared, and, moreover, reconsidering various subjects of the formation of aristocratic institutions from the view of the relation between local powerful families and the Wang Fa. This also brings up the subjects of the self-identification of the aristocracy in the Wei-Jin and the legitimacy of these dynasties, through the way in which these descriptions were made. These points need to be investigated when researching in the history of the Eastern Han Dynasty and the Wei-Jin in the future.
  • 河喜多 能達
    東京化學會誌
    1889年 10 巻 184-185
    発行日: 1889年
    公開日: 2009/02/05
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 安部 聡一郎
    史学雑誌
    2000年 109 巻 12 号 2235-
    発行日: 2000/12/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 地学雑誌
    1980年 89 巻 1 号 Plate1-Plate2
    発行日: 1980/02/25
    公開日: 2009/11/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 県外流出に関する事例研究
    原田 彰
    教育社会学研究
    1969年 24 巻 113-125,en221
    発行日: 1969/10/10
    公開日: 2011/03/18
    ジャーナル フリー
    (1) 一般的にいって、高等教育学歴を獲得した者は、出身地域から流出する傾向がみられる。もちろん、それは職業や地域の特性によってかなり差異がある。また東大、京大、その他の帝大、東京の私大、地元の工専等の学校がそれぞれ地域移動に対して演ずる役割には差異がある.
    (2) 地方の出身地域を離れて大都市で成功した人たちには、二つのタイプがある。一つは、有利な学歴なしに上昇移動して「名士」と呼ばれうる地位を獲得したものであり、他は、高等教育学歴を獲得したのち、主として官僚制的昇進によって高い地位に到達したものである。この調査では、前者は少なく、後者が優勢となっている。大都市に移動する独立自営型の人物は、土着のものにくらべて、土台づくりからはじめなければならないというハンディキャップがあり、それだけ冒険心、強い意志を必要とするが、その成功は偶然的なチャンスに左右されやすいのであろう.
    (3) 出身地域にとどまる「名士」たちのなかにも、有利な学歴所有者がいないわけではない。彼らは、大学教授、医師などとなって出身地域内に定着しているが、それとともに注目されるのは中央とのつながりという点で重要な意味をもつ県の要職などに地位を占めている者がいることである。しかし、それらの地位も、県内出身者よりはむしろ中央官庁から送り込まれる県外出身の有利な学歴所有者によって占められる傾向にある.
  • 楯身 智志
    法制史研究
    2009年 58 巻 331-336
    発行日: 2009/03/30
    公開日: 2014/03/31
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 樋口 竹広, 舘 釈哉, 高須 裕美子, 佐々木 永
    超音波検査技術抄録集
    2012年 37 巻
    発行日: 2012/05/01
    公開日: 2015/03/20
    会議録・要旨集 認証あり
  • 中村 威也
    史学雑誌
    2002年 111 巻 3 号 403-404
    発行日: 2002/03/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 大口 保友
    春の分科会予稿集
    1971年 1971.3 巻
    発行日: 1971/06/16
    公開日: 2018/03/27
    会議録・要旨集 フリー
  • 細菌學雜誌
    1929年 1929 巻 400 号 478
    発行日: 1929/06/10
    公開日: 2009/07/09
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 細菌學雜誌
    1926年 1926 巻 364 号 947
    発行日: 1926/06/10
    公開日: 2009/07/09
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 三谷 博
    史学雑誌
    2000年 109 巻 12 号 2234-2235
    発行日: 2000/12/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • Jimmie Carol Still Durr
    英文学研究
    2000年 77 巻 2 号 237-
    発行日: 2000/12/20
    公開日: 2017/04/10
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 日本鑛業會誌
    1920年 36 巻 422 号 387
    発行日: 1920年
    公開日: 2011/07/13
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 東京化學會誌
    1906年 27 巻 10 号 1184-1185
    発行日: 1906年
    公開日: 2009/02/05
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 麻生 誠
    日本教育学会大會研究発表要項
    1961年 20 巻 92-
    発行日: 1961/08/30
    公開日: 2018/04/20
    研究報告書・技術報告書 フリー
  • 渡邉 義浩
    史学雑誌
    2003年 112 巻 4 号 427-451
    発行日: 2003/04/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    Mingshi名士, the local elite which formed the ruling class from the late Han to the Three Kingdoms period, tended to evaluate people as visible expressions of their own autonomous order. Such methods for evaluating people autonomous from the bureaucratic order supported by kingship was arbitrary, subjective and unstable. In order to overcome these weaknesses, a debate called "caixing shibenlun" 才性四本論 developed and a biographical work, Renwuzhi 人物志, was written, but the instability was not eliminated, as zhuang状, (writings) continued their instability in defining the rank of xiangpin郷品 within the bureaucratic order. The standpoint of the "Chunqiulue" 春秋略 that history as the record of the emperors possesses unassailable authority was weakened by the relativization of values in the form of Confucianism. In addition, with the diffusion of paper, the increase in written works and the compilation of biographies based on zhuang created a milieu enabling histories written out of personal concerns. Histories were used for political purposes and became works arguing the superior and inferior aspects of each region and tauting factionalism. What became the basis of such histories were "beich-uan" 別伝 (accounts other than official chronicles) depicting individual figures. Pei Songzhi 裴松之, who annotated the Sanguozhi HSS, criticized the annotators of the Shiji史記 and Hanshu 漢書 for limiting themselves to the readings and definitions of words and phrases without any attempt to verify or ascertain historical fact It was in this way that history (shi史) came to differ from the methodology of Confucianism. Pei's criticism of beichua became linked to genealogy attempting to establish the pedigrees of aristocratic families. It was in this way that shi史 became cultural evaluation for the purpose of maintaining the autonomous order of the aristocracy. Within the social background of the Jingjizhi経籍志 section of the Suishu piU setting up a separate category for "history" (shi史) and creating four subcategories lay textual criticism of the dominance exerted by beichau, which distorted the facts, and "history" according to the aristocracy as the dominant form of cultural evaluation. The compilation of official history during the Tangperiod became focussed on the realm of cultural evaluation, one of which was shi as one way for maintaining the autonomy of the aristocracy.
  • 土地法改正と行政・税制改革
    江川 ひかり
    オリエント
    1995年 38 巻 1 号 61-78
    発行日: 1995/09/30
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    In the present paper, the author analyzes the local administrative and tax reforms during the Tanzimat period (1839-1876) in relation to the Land Law Revisions, in order to understand the problems posed for Turkish rural society at the time. In the present paper, the Land Law Revisions means the 1858 Land Law and the process of codifications and revisions.
    The aim of the Tanzimat reform movement of the Ottoman Empire was to establish a “modern” state based on the rule of law. Prior to the reform movement, Turkish rural society can be characterized as existing in a state of weakening central control and controlled by local notables (â'yâns) acquiring de facto private ownership of land through tax farming contracts and the management of large scale farms known as çiftliks. Thus the local notables gained control over local political affairs. Therefore, the objective of the Tanzimat reforms was +o regain state control over rural society by rebuilding a centralized state order.
    Research concerning the administrative and tax reforms during the Tanzimat period has been dominated by institutional historical approaches, while the perspective of the land problem in relation to the agrarian society has been virtually ignored. On the other hand, studies concerning the Land Law Revisions from the perspective of legal history have been conducted by Ö. L. Barkan and H. Cin. The only research to date concerning the direct effects of the Tanzimat reforms on agrarian society has been conducted by H. Inalcik, who dealt primarily with the early period of the Tanzimat reforms, and thus provides minimal or no analysis of the actual influences of the post-1850 reforms and the Land Law Revisions on the rural society.
    Concerning the process of implementation of the Land Law Revisions, Y. Nagata has stressed the necessity of analyzing the political and socio-economic struggles over landownership among the central government, local notables and rural population in relation to the Ottoman Empire opening up to the penetration of the international economy. Thus with consideration to the above mentioned factors, the author focuses, in the present paper, on the interests and roles played by the above three parties in a discussion of the concrete points of dispute: namely, the strengthening of control over state land (mîrî), and a policy to standardize the âsâr tithe and later temporarily increase the rate.
    From this perspective, the author is able to show that these two attempts are very closely related not only to the Land Law Revisions, but also to the Tanzimat administrative and tax reforms. In concrete terms, firstly, the government, in order to regain control of rural society and rebuild a centralized state organization, aimed at strengthening its control over mîrî through the regional administrative mechanism. In the Title deed Act of 1859, we find detailed terms concerning the registration of land titles, which clealy illustrates an attempt to legitimize the holdings and the use of mîrî.
    Secondly, the author demonstrates that the Tanzimat tax reforms were implemented with the express purpose of guaranteeing land tax revenues as the largest source of funding for the entire reform process. After abolishing most of the traditional taxes, the government standardized the âsâr tithe at a rate of 10% for the whole country. Furthermore in 1867, in return for recognizing an enlarged inheritance rights of personal holding of the mîrî, the government temporarily attempted to increase the âsâr tithe. In other words, the firm establishment of both centralized control over mîrî in rural society and the âsâr tithe as an important source of revenue for impoverished public coff
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