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  • 栃木 利夫
    現代中国
    1994年 1994 巻 68 号 243-253
    発行日: 1994年
    公開日: 2024/11/05
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 邵 建国
    国際政治
    1993年 1993 巻 104 号 168-182,L17
    発行日: 1993/10/10
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The conflict which broke out in May 1928 between the Japanese Army, which was dispatched to Tsinan in Shantung province of China, and the Nationalist Armies of China which went north to overthrow Chang Tsuo-lin's (_??__??__??_) military clique is called the “Tsinan Incident.” After this incident the Japanese Army issued severe requirement terms on Chiang Kai-shek, the general of the Nationalist Armies of China, and urged him to accept these terms without any conditions and to conclude a military agreement. The Nationalist Goverment was determined to pursue a policy that would make as Many concessions with Japan as possible, for fear that marching on Peking (to unity the country) might be left unfinished halfway. In order to find out a way for compromise, General Chiang Kai-shek dispatched his delegate to Tokyo and tried direct negotiation with Prime Minister Tanaka. At first Prime Minister Tanaka showed signs of a compromise, but as the Japanese Army, especially the commander of the sixth division of Japanese Army on the spot in Tsinan, had been strongly opposing the relaxation of the requirement terms, the negotiations surrounding the conditions of the compromise reached a complete deadlock. On the other hand, in China the people's critical opinions of the failure in the diplomacy with Japan became more and more clamorous and Chiang Kai-shek was put in a difficult situation. Chiang Kai-shek began to assume a negative attitude to the compromise with Japan and advised Huang Fu (_??__??_), the Minister of Foreign Affairs, who was a Japanophile to resign. It was Wang Cheng-ting (_??__??__??_) that took the place of Huang Fu and who was appointed as the Minister of Foreign Affairs. Wang pursued the policy of making Japan isolated by means of creating a better relationship with Britain and America, and he demonstrated to Chiang Kai-shek his advatageous judgement of the situation and explained to him that they should not make any concessions to Japan. Chiang Kai-shek, who judged that the terms required by the Japanese Army were still too strict, began to accept Wang's opinion and gave up the negotiation with the Japanese Army. On this account since June 1928 the negotiation concerning “Tsinan Incident” could not help left to the diplomacy authorities of the both countries.
    This thesis clarifies the expectations of both China and Japan in dealing with this case, especially the process by which the Nationalist Government led mainly by Chiang Kai-shek concluded the policies by referring chiefly to the books and resources published recently in Chinese.
  • 坂本 健蔵
    法政論叢
    2008年 44 巻 2 号 189-200
    発行日: 2008/05/15
    公開日: 2017/11/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    Japan diplomacy at the beginning of the Showa period was developed as a product of conflicts over Continental policy that involved Tanaka diplomacy backed by the Seiyukai and the second Shidehara diplomacy backed by the Minsei-to. Nagai Ryutarou, a Party Politician, was the person who led Minsei-to diplomacy during this period. At the time in China, the nationalist movement was rapidly evolving, and the rights and interests of all nations were often placed in a state of jeopardy. Nagai continued policies of not sending troops, not interfering in Chinese internal affairs, and maintaining a conciliatory posture. He firmly believed that Japan needed to respect China's "Independence" and "Rights of Autonomy" and spoke and acted accordingly. Examining the particulars of Nagai's diplomacy towards China, one sees that he recognized that China controlled movements in public opinion, and that China judged foreign relations according to relationships of trust. Because there was that awareness in the background, he maintained a posture of appeasement from beginning to end. Moreover, because he held the view that an alliance with China, which like Japan is a country in Asia populated by people of color, could change the outlook of international relations which were mainly formed by Europe and the United States, and because he felt that Japan was in competition against the European and American countries with respect to relations with China, the appeasement diplomacy towards China was accelerated.
  • 菊地 秀樹
    アジア研究
    2023年 69 巻 4 号 19-38
    発行日: 2023/10/31
    公開日: 2023/11/25
    [早期公開] 公開日: 2023/10/03
    ジャーナル フリー

    During the Sino-Japanese War, the Chinese Nationalist Party (Kuomintang) conducted guerrilla warfare in areas occupied by the Imperial Japanese Army. The Kuomintang aimed to continue the fight against Japan while maintaining their own governing authority in those regions by mobilizing the local population under Japanese occupation for guerrilla warfare. They carried out operations to disrupt logistics and transportation networks controlled by the Japanese forces.

    Prior studies have evaluated the KMT’s wartime mobilization system as a “total war” system premised on the penetration of ruling power into society. However, according to some empirical studies on the wartime mobilization system in enemy-occupied areas, spontaneously organized self-defense groups and bandit groups were mobilized for guerrilla warfare, and the conscription system that had been established before the war did not function. Considering this point, it is necessary to conduct a comprehensive reexamination of the KMT’s wartime mobilization system, including the actual condition of their guerrilla warfare.

    This paper turns its attention to “Jiangnan” region in southern Jiangsu Province, where Nanjing and Shanghai, which were important political and economic bases for the KMT, were located, and which became the front line after the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War. The paper then examines the extent to which the KMT was able to build a modern military based on a compulsory military service system in the “Jiangnan” region. Then, this paper will shift its attention to the Loyal Patriotic Army, a paramilitary organization of the Kuomintang that played a leading role in guerrilla warfare against the Japanese in “Jiangnan”, and clarified the actual situation of unit management, including the acquisition of soldiers, using primary historical documents. Through this work, this paper reexamines the KMT’s wartime mobilization system at the front-line areas and in the Japanese-occupied areas, which had not been sufficiently examined in previous studies.

    This paper reveals that the Loyal Patriotic Army’s main source of soldiers was the various armed forces that emerged because of the weakening of the KMT’s rule. These armed forces could have been the immediate military power of the Loyal Patriotic Army, but their behavior was based on their own survival strategy rather than anti-Japanese consciousness, and it was difficult to control them. Therefore, while relying on these armed forces for wartime mobilization, the KMT continued to face the challenge of “domestic pacification,” which is a process of centralized control of the violent apparatus.

    In conclusion, this paper points out that the KMT’s wartime mobilization in “Jiangnan” during the Sino-Japanese War was not based on a total war system but was dependent on local voluntary armed forces that became active partly because of the retreat of the party’s governing power. The KMT was able to mobilize such armed forces because the interests of both sides coincided in securing the war effort and guaranteeing survival, but this symbiotic relationship was very fragile.

  • 樋口 秀実
    史学雑誌
    1998年 107 巻 12 号 2152-
    発行日: 1998/12/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 服部 龍二
    史学雑誌
    1998年 107 巻 12 号 2152-
    発行日: 1998/12/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 劉 傑
    史学雑誌
    1998年 107 巻 12 号 2152-
    発行日: 1998/12/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 変動期における東アジアと日本-その史的考察-
    横山 宏章
    国際政治
    1980年 1980 巻 66 号 36-53,L2
    発行日: 1980/11/05
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    This paper deals with the following four movements that resisted against the pressures from foreign countries. They are;
    1. the claim of Canton government for pro rate share of customs surplus of 1923,
    2. the rebellion of the Canton Merchants' Corps of 1924,
    3. the strike-boycotte of Canton-Hongkong of 1925, and
    4. the seizure of the British Hankow concession of 1927.
    The former two movements may be understood as Sun Yat-sen's Diplomacy, while the latter two movements can be grasped as Revolutionary Diplomacy of the Nationalist government that was organized after Sun Yat-sen's death. In this Revolutionary Diplomacy, th Nationalist government attempted to abrogate the unequal treaties by the mobilization of mass movements into anti-imperialist struggle.
    The objective of this paper is, through the comparison with Sun Yat-sen's Diplomacy, to point out and examine the characteristics of this Revolutionary Diplomacy.
  • 国際政治と国内政治の連繋
    藤井 昇三
    国際政治
    1972年 1972 巻 46 号 1-16
    発行日: 1972/10/09
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 根無 新太郎
    洛北史学
    2018年 20 巻 185-190
    発行日: 2018/06/01
    公開日: 2023/07/21
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 変動期における東アジアと日本-その史的考察-
    滝口 太郎
    国際政治
    1980年 1980 巻 66 号 54-71,L2
    発行日: 1980/11/05
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    China in 1920's under unequal treaty order, had been recognized neither as a “Nation State” among international societies, nor as a “Partner” for diplomatic negotiations. In these circumstances, the Kuomintang Party achieved to establish diplomatic relations by impelling the National Revolution. Although Nationalism had been built up among the Chinese people as a result of strong anti-foreign movements led by the Kuomintang Party, but on the contrary, it caused the possibility to bring about some incidents, which were deemed to be uncontrollable for the Nationalist Government.
    In consequence of the developed labour movements at Hankow, it happened the incident between the Chinese mob led by the Chinese General Labour Union and the British marines on January 3, 1927, and the British Concession was took place of Chinese. On that account, the negotiation was held between O'Malley, the Counsellor of the British Legation at Peking and Eugene Chen, the Minister of Foreign Affairs in the Nationalist Government, however, Britain had to concede to China because of the restrictions imposed by the “Christmas Message”, and the British Concession was returned to China as a result. In the case of this Hankow Incident, the raised anti-foreign movements resulted in settling one of the Chinese diplomatic problems.
  • 上野 実義
    社会科教育論叢
    1966年 13 巻 89-106
    発行日: 1966/02/28
    公開日: 2017/07/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ―中国代表権問題と日本、イギリス、中国―
    帶谷 俊輔
    国際政治
    2015年 2015 巻 180 号 180_68-180_82
    発行日: 2015/03/30
    公開日: 2016/05/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    This article examines how Japan, Britain and China considered the intervention of the League of Nations into disputes between the Powers and China from 1920 to 1931, focusing on the problem of Chinese governmental representation in the League.
    In 1920, in order to avoid becoming involved in a boycott against Japan, Britain decided to deal with the Shantung Question in the League if this was submitted by China. Britain also considered the intervention of the League as an option after the Washington Conference, because it did not expected much from cooperation with the other Powers.
    Japan initially left room for dealing with the China Question, excluding the Shantung Question, in the League if the Powers agreed. However, after the Corfu Incident in 1923, in which Japan had been involved as the president of the Council, Japan came to fear being criticized by small Powers in the Assembly of the League in case of a dispute with China. On the other hand, China came to recognize the importance of the Assembly in appealing to world opinion.
    Thus, there were major differences in the position of these three states. However, the political situation in China altered British attitudes toward this problem. In 1926, the Kuomintang government started the Northern Expedition to overthrow the Beiyang government, the internationally recognized central government of China at that time. While the Kuomintang government expanded its territories and clashed with the Powers, the Beiyang government represented China in the League until its collapse in 1928. Because of this, the League was temporarily paralyzed in dealing with the China Question. Britain, therefore, regarded appeals to the League as useless, so it bypassed the League in sending troops to Shanghai in 1927. When the Kuomintang government submitted the Jinan Incident to the League in 1928, Japan tried to reject the case for the same reasons as those raised by Britain. Japan, securing consent from Britain and the Secretary-General of the League, succeeded in preventing the League from intervening in the dispute.
    After overthrowing the Beiyang government, the Kuomintang government assumed the right to represent China in the League. Therefore, Britain returned to its former attitude of accepting the discussion of the China Question in the League. In 1931, Japan tried to prevent the League from intervening in the Manchurian Incident. However, the Council accepted the case of China and decided to discuss the matter. This is mainly because the problem of Chinese representation, which had until then blocked the intervention of the League in China, had already been dissolved.
  • 日中戦争時期湖南省における国民革命軍の軍隊建設を中心として
    菊地 秀樹
    華南研究
    2024年 10 巻 1-17
    発行日: 2024/12/15
    公開日: 2025/06/01
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 高見澤 磨
    法制史研究
    2013年 62 巻 240-244
    発行日: 2013/03/30
    公開日: 2018/04/04
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 上野 実義
    社会科研究
    1966年 14 巻 8-25
    発行日: 1966/03/20
    公開日: 2017/07/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 小野寺 史郎
    社会思想史研究:社会思想史学会年報
    2023年 47 巻 50-72
    発行日: 2023/09/30
    公開日: 2025/09/30
    ジャーナル フリー

      Manchurians established the Qing empire, which contained various ethnic groups such as Mongolians, Han Chinese, Tibetans, and Turkic Muslims, in the 17th century. In the late 19th century, modern Western thoughts were extensively introduced into the Qing empire. The idea of nationalism spread among the Han Chinese, the majority in the population, who overthrew the Qing and established the Republic of China.

      The Chinese Nationalist Party came to power in the late 1920s. It was based on Sun Yatsen’s Three Principles of the People, aiming to build a homogeneous nation and implement a constitutional government. However, in 1949, the Nationalists were defeated by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and fled to Taiwan.

      The CCP initially had a negative attitude toward nationalism. However, when Mao Zedong took over leadership in 1930s, he began to advocate for the Sinicization of Marxism and affirm patriotism. The People’s Republic of China, established by the CCP, officially recognized “ethnic minorities” within the country and implemented a regional ethnic autonomy system. However, the scope of such autonomy was extremely limited. Furthermore, liberalism and “ethnic minority” cultures were thoroughly destroyed during the Cultural Revolution.

      In modern China, nationalism and liberalism have often been in conflict. Furthermore, the Han Chinese, including liberalists, with their overwhelming population and cultural pride, have been generally less concerned about the problems of non-Han ethnic groups. However, the extent to which these factors are unique to China requires further studies and comparison with cases in other regions.

  • 入江 昭
    国際政治
    1960年 1960 巻 13 号 104-119
    発行日: 1960/08/30
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 京都大学学術出版会 2007年 viii+363ページ
    広川 佐保
    アジア経済
    2008年 49 巻 6 号 49-52
    発行日: 2008/06/15
    公開日: 2022/11/22
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 野村 隆光
    名古屋地学
    2019年 81 巻 25-27
    発行日: 2019年
    公開日: 2019/03/21
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
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