Whenever the Tokugawa Bakufu dispatched a newly appointed governor of Kyoto (Shoshidai 所司代) to administer the Kinai region, he would be accompanied by one of the Bakufu's senior councillors (roju 老中), a practice known a hikiwatashi jokyo 引渡上京 (lit. presentation at the capital). This practice found its roots in the original ceremony regarding shoshidai succession, which involved the presentation of a document sealed in vermillion by a senior councillor to the newly appointed governor. Originally, on the occasion of a change of appointee, the newly appointed shoshidai would arrive in Kyoto, while his predecessor was still in residence and go through a short period of transition. The practice of hikiwatashi jokyo then evolved along with a diminution in the power and authority of the office of shoshidai that occurred between the Tenna and Kyoho eras (1681-1736), and became the established precedent as the result of negotiations with the imperial court in 1717 and 1726. As hikiwatashi jokyo took root, it gradually developed into a merely formalized ritual, leading the Bakufu to ultimately decide that it was no longer necessary, resulting in its disappearance in 1806. However, the fact of senior councillors visiting Kyoto was still a practice deemed worthy by the Bakufu for such reasons as impressing upon the people of the Kinai the authority of the Shogunate in Edo. For example, the arrival of senior councillor Matsudaira Noriyasu in the capital during 1850 was met with a report presented to him by the Bakufu's Kyoto town functionary (machi bugyo 町奉行) containing information on the local economy and evaluations of the capital's aristocratic families, which the Bakufu utilized in its policy-making decisions. Moreover, the imperial court took the opportunity of Matsudaira's visit to press it views on the necessity of strengthening the country's coastal and maritime defences. It was in 1857 that the arrival of United States consul general Townsend Harris was announced to the imperial court by senior councillor Wakisaka Yasunori during a hikiwatashi mission. This last example demonstrates that during the last decades of Bakufu governance, characterized by increasing international tension and a rise in the importance of the imperial court, the practice of hikiwatashi jokyo was revived as a means of conducting negotiations with the Emperors.

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我が国の伝統的調味料である醤油も, 江戸時代には各地に銘醸地があり, 醸造家も相当数に上っていたが, 当時の姿は現在を映していないもののようである。時の政治・経済が大きく影響していることは酒造家の場合と共通している。
その変転の有様を土浦の醤油史として本稿にまとめて頂いた。機械化・合理化の革新にもまれながら現在に至り, 地方の醤油銘醸家として今後どのように対応していくか, それがまた新しい醤油史を繰り拡げていくのであろう。

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近世大坂には諸藩の蔵屋敷が置かれていた。それらは江戸の大名屋敷とは異なって、各藩の必要性に応じて設置されるものであり、個別の事情に応じて、設置・廃止、あるいは移転するものであったことが特長である。幕府領である大坂に諸藩が土地を所有することはできなかった。そのため蔵屋敷、名代という町人名義の屋敷を借りるという形式をとったが、実質は藩が所有しており、売買や質入れなどで所有者が表面化する時には名代を介するという場合があった。また、名目だけではなく、実質の部分でも蔵屋敷を「借りる」という場合もあった。そのような選択肢があることで、蔵屋敷の設置や移動が容易になった側面があり、そのことが幕藩制下における商業・流通都市としての大坂の活性化に大きな意味を持っていたと考えられる。

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本稿は、近世前期に編纂された摂津国絵図・郷帳を素材に、国絵図・郷帳における村記載の差異が持つ意味を比較検討することが目的である。 絵画史料である国絵図は視覚的に集落としての村を描き、台帳である郷帳は村高が設定された行政村を記載しているが、両者を比較すると郷帳上の行政 村設定の指標に段階差があることが窺える。近世初期段階では慶長国絵図上で朱線で結ばれた集落群が郷帳上で行政村として表記されるが、正保・元禄の国絵図・郷帳では集落が行政村設定の対象となるのである。しかし、正保・元禄国絵図には郷帳上に表記されない行政村に付属する村無高村が記載されており、正保・元禄段階で全ての集落が画一的に行政村になったのではなく、慶長国絵図段階の集落の繋がりが分離せず残存する場合もあった。国絵図と 郷帳の村記載の差異が、近世村落としての確立過程にあった当該期の村を実態に即して表現する手段になっていたことを明らかにした。

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This article deals with the institution of the retired emperor from the mid-17th century on and its organizational characteristics. The author first focuses on the rotation of aristocrats attending the emperor at his retirement palace at Sakuramachi-Dono, examining the cases of Emperor Go-Mizuno and Reigen, tracing the division and integration of the duties involved and finally the formation of a system for communications, household administration and staffing. The most significant development in this process occurred in 1687 upon the retirement of Emperor Reigen, when the duties of the post of imperial secretary (giso 議奏), who up until that time had served both the enthroned and retired emperors, was divided into a giso serving the former and an indenso 院伝奏 for the latter. The author then examines Ret. Empress Meisho from the standpoint of staff salaries, concluding that the fact that the Empress was kin to the Tokugawa Shogunate led to her denso having special privileges, which were incorporated into the system organized under Reigen and thus applied to all denso from that time on. Next, the incorporation of organization aspects of Reigen's household into the emperor's palace operations is discussed in order to clarify the presence of assistants to the denso, called yoninshu 四人衆 in the Reigen household, posts that were not made a permanent part of the retired emperor's operations thereafter and whose duties remained undefined. The author concludes that although the retired emperor's household administration system did incorporate some of the aspects of the Gomizuno and Meisho retirements, the Reigen household was organized independently of the reigning emperor. While the retired emperor exerted a great deal of influence in late premodern Japanease court, with the revival of enthronement of a successor before the previous emperors death, the way in which the retired emperor's household was managed did not resemble the "Insei" 院政 institutions set up during the late eleventh century.

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In the present article the author offers an interpretation of the Shogunate's diplomatic known as shuinjo 朱印状 (vermilion sealed affidavit of official recognition) in late premodern Japan, focusing on the little know aspect of shuin-aratame 朱印改, an act that was implemented by a representative of the shogun, and about which little is known to date. Then a case study of this act is presented concerning the Koma 高麗 Shrine of Nihori 新堀 Village, Koma District, Musashi 武蔵 Province from the viewpoint of the recipient of the document and various problems faced by the Shrine in the process. In order to receive a shuinjo, a temple or shrine had to appear before the shogunate in Edo and stay there for about a month until all the paperwork was completed. Needless to say, such a stay was expensive, including not only travel and entertainment expenses, but also the heavy gratuity which had to be paid to the issuing authority (furegashira 触頭). There are cases of much pomp and circumstance surrounding such visits, the expense of which was all borne by the temple or shrine recipient, ranging from one to several tens of ryo 両. The shogunate frowned upon such extravagance and even made attempts to prohibit any gratuities being paid to the furegashira, while at the same time taking the prerogative to order that such payments be made. Needless to say, the intention was unclear and insufficient, for the gratuity was necessary in order for any temple or shrine to ensure that the shuin aratame process go smoothly and successfully. Since the ceremonial solemnity of the shuin-aratame process was expressly to reconfirm the Shogun's authority, it was very difficult to attempt rationalizing or simplifying this process, which was indispensable for any temple or shrine for attaining the highest status of an institution officially recognized by the shogunate, thus the extravagance connected with it was accepted as a fact of life by potential rccipients of the vermilion seal. Because of the important significance of the shuinjo for beth the issuing authority in the shogunate and recipient temples and shrines, there were definite limits to what extent the process could be simplified or expenses cut. In other words, the process was the way in which the importance, seriousness and honor of the shuinjo was reconfirmed within Tokugawa period society.

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