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  • 両者の交流とその意義
    佐藤 勇夫
    英学史研究
    1992年 1992 巻 24 号 55-71
    発行日: 1991/10/01
    公開日: 2010/02/22
    ジャーナル フリー
    My object in writing this paper is to disclose the process of the literary intercourse between Shoyo and Yakumo chiefly by Shoyo's diary, the letters which had passed between Shoyo and Yakumo and some pieces of writing in the then Yomiuri newspaper and discuss what meaning their literary intercourse may have today in the era of the international cultural exchange.
    Yakumo was given the professorship in English literature at Tokyo Imperial University in September, 1896. He, however, was forced to resign his post against his will and left the university in the end of March, 1903, because of the new policy adopted by the university.
    In 1904 Yakumo accepted a call to the professorial chair of English literture at Waseda University. According to Shoyo's diary, Shoyo first met Yakumo on 9th of March, 1904. After that Shoyo and Yakumo cultivated a close acquaintance with each other rapidly. Shoyo earnestly wished Yakumo to translate some pieces of the Japan's Kabuki dramas into English and introduce them into the Western countries.
    When Yakumo sent his letter to Shoyo asking him what of the Japan's plays he should translate into English, Shoyo advised Yakumo to translate Chikamatsu's Shinju Ten no Amijima, or The Loue Suicide at Amijima into English by writing Yakumo a long letter in English and by visiting him with Prof. Shiozawa of Waseda University as interpreter for Shoyo in the early evening of July 6th besides. On the other hand, Shoyo learned Yakumo's own view of translating Shakespeare from someone who, I should say, was one of the students whom Yakumo taught at Tokyo Imperial University that the works of Shakespeare should be translated into ordinary speech of Japanese language. After Yakumo's death, Shoyo succeeded in translating Hamlet into colloquial style.
    Yakumo died feeling in his mind the problem of translating Shinju Ten no Arnijima into English on 26th of September, 1904. Shoyo and his wife are said to have been the first callers for condolences on the day of Yakumo's death. Shoyo deeply grieved over Yakumo's sudden and early death to know that his plan was left unfinished by his death. Probably Shoyo thought, it seems to me, that we, the Japanese, lost our best interpreter of the classical Kabuki dramas to the West in the death of Koizumi Yakumo.
  • 蔵本 邦夫
    HISPANICA / HISPÁNICA
    1989年 1989 巻 33 号 81-95
    発行日: 1989/12/31
    公開日: 2010/06/11
    ジャーナル フリー
    Desde que Shoyo escribió “Shosetsusinzui”, obra que él tenía como el renacimiento de la novela, Shoyo daba suma importancia al concepto del humor. En las líneas que siguen trato de escribir sobre los motivos, contenido y las fuentes en que se basa.
    Para dar este sentido del humor a la literatura lo primero vio necesario profundizar en el verdadero sentido del humor. Como un ejemplo concreto trató de aclarar la diferencia entre “wit” y “humor”. Shoyo tradujo “wit” por Tonchi y “humor” por Kokkei.
    (1) En Kokkei el humor sale a relucir conforme progresa la narración. En Tonchi la agudeza brota de repente y sin sentido.
    (2) La influencia de la agudeza en Tonchi es corta. En cambio el humor en Kokkei dura mucho más.
    (3) El humor en Kokkei se representa con los actos de la vida. La agudeza en Tonchi se representa con meras palabras.
    Para este tercer punto Shoyo compara “Tokaidochuu hizakurige”, la más importante obra Kokkei de la época de Tokugawa, y “Don Quijote”, y concluye que “Don Quijote” tiene un sentido del humor más elegante. Muchos autores en la era de Meiji compararon, como Shoyo, estas dos mismás obras. Por ejemplo Kanza UCHIMURA, Sakutaro HAGIWARA y Soseki NATSUME.
    Masaie MATSUURA dice que Shoyo usó como fuente de su estudio el libro “Wit and Humor” de Sydney Smith, famoso autor inglés. Pero, para mí, la fuente hay que encontrarla en “Shuji oyobi Kabun”, obra que tiene temás que sirven para el ensayo “wit” que Shoyo escribió tres años después. Matsuura no toca este tema. No me cabe la menor duda de asegurar que, porque Shoyo había leído este libro, pensó en escribir el ensayo sobre el Quijote.
  • 櫻井 待子, 菅 修一
    医学図書館
    1998年 45 巻 4 号 456-462
    発行日: 1998/12/20
    公開日: 2011/09/21
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 「文学場」の形成におけるその意義
    岡田 章子
    社会学評論
    2009年 60 巻 2 号 242-258
    発行日: 2009/09/30
    公開日: 2012/03/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    本稿は,『女学雑誌』の文学を,キリスト教改良主義による女性と文学の新しい関係性という観点から捉え,その新しい関係性が,後の『文学界』における文学の自律性を求める動きにおいて,どのような意義をもっていたのか,を検討するものである.
    『女学雑誌』の文学志向は,当時の英米の女性雑誌に影響されたものであり,同時にそれは,明治20年代における「社会のための文学」という潮流において好意的に捉えられ,女性に向けて新しい小説を書く女性作家の登場を促した.彼女たちは,あるいは口語自叙体の小説によって女性の内面を語り,あるいは平易な言文一致体によって海外小説を翻訳するなど,独自の成果を生み出した.しかし,キリスト教改良主義の社会運動や道徳に縛られた文学は,やがて文学の自律性を求める『文学界』の離反を招き,「社会のための文学」ではなく,文学の自律性,ひいては社会における文学の独自の意義が追求されることになった.しかし,こうしたブルデューの定義するような「文学場」の構築を求める動きは,『女学雑誌』との断絶よりも,むしろ共通する「社会にとって文学とは何か」の問いを前提にしたものであり,しかも,樋口一葉という女性作家の,女性の問題のまなざしにおいて成立したという意味で,『女学雑誌』は日本の近代文学の成立において,従来論じられてきた以上に不可欠な役割を担っていた,といえるのである.
  • T. A.
    英文学研究
    1935年 15 巻 1 号 132-133
    発行日: 1935/01/31
    公開日: 2017/04/10
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 青木 稔弥
    日本近代文学
    2015年 93 巻 160-167
    発行日: 2015/11/15
    公開日: 2016/11/15
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 佐藤 勇夫
    英学史研究
    1992年 1993 巻 25 号 39-48
    発行日: 1992年
    公開日: 2009/10/07
    ジャーナル フリー
    Tsubouchi Shoyo owes his success in his twenties to Sanae Takada a great deal. Takada was a friend of Shoyo's university student days. He graduated from Tokyo Imperial University one year earlier than Shoyo and became a lecturer at Tokyo College. Shoyo was given a lectureship at Tokyo College in 1883 on Takada's recommendation to Azusa Ono, councilor of the board of Tokyo College, soon after he graduated from the university. Ono had already set up his company named the Toyokan Shoten publishing instructive books. It was Takada who told Ono that Shoyo had been translating Shakespeare's Julius Caesar into Japanese, weaving the play into the form of 'joruri, ' ever since Shoyo's student days and advised him to publish it from his Toyokan Shoten. Shoyo's 'joruri' version of Julius Caesar was published under the title Jiyu no Tachi Nagori no Kire-Aji, in Japanese, or The Good Quality of A Liberty Sword, in English, in 1884 from the Toyokan Shoten. Its publishing advertisement in The Yomiuri newspaper of June 5th, 1884, attracted a lot of public attention to it. Julius Caesar was adapted into Japanese play written in a 'joruri'-styled prose according to the structural pattern of Jidaimono joruri' or historical 'joruri' dealing with heroes and heroines of history.
    We can find, it seems to me, the standard pattern of the five dramatic principles : 'jo' or 'introduction' inAct I, 'ha-no-jo' or 'introduction to development' in Act II, 'ha-noha' or 'develoment in development' in Act III, 'ha-no-kyu' or 'climax in development' in Act IV and lyu' or 'climax' in Act V; and the seven passages or scenes peculiar to 'ji-daimono joruri' in Shoyo's version.
  • 竹本 幹夫
    学術の動向
    2021年 26 巻 4 号 4_3
    発行日: 2021/04/01
    公開日: 2021/08/27
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 佐藤 勇夫
    英学史研究
    1993年 1994 巻 26 号 17-30
    発行日: 1993年
    公開日: 2009/10/07
    ジャーナル フリー
    Tsubouchi Shoyo's intention in renderingJuliusCaesar into a Joruri play may have required the then Japanese people to call their minds to th.e democratic society which he thought desirable for the future of Japan. Reciting Joruri was then so popular among the common people that his Joruri version ofJulius Caesarprobably was, I think, most suitable for him to enlighten them about what democracy was. He seems to have taken great pains over putting the characters' names into Japanese. He adopted the two ways of expressing them in Japanese. One is the way called 'Yutb-Yomi.' This is the peculiar way of expressing Japanese personal names in Chinese characters. The first character is pronounced in Chinese, while the second one is rendered into Japanese. Another is the way called 'Manyo-Yomi.' In theManyoshuthe Japanese people employed Chinese characters phonetically for representing Japanese sounds. He expressed the characters' names in Chinese characters following the manner of theManyoshu. He used some rhetorical devices in his Joruri version. The chief one may be the 'Makura-Kotoba.' or the 'pillow-word, ' which consists almost invariably of five syllables. Another may be the 'Kake-Kotoba' or the 'pivot-word, ' which makes possible the expression of double meanings. He translatesJulius Caesarfaithfully in spirit and writes his translation in Joruri-styled sentence making suitable combinations of five- and seven-syllable words. We cannot fail, I think, to notice some rhetorical influence of Chikamatsu, Mokuami and Bakin on Shoyo's Joruri version of Shakespeare'sJuliusCaesar.
  • 「こだま」「親すずめと子すずめ」 「蠅と蜘蛛」の劇づくりと実演を通して
    花輪 充
    舞踊學
    2011年 2011 巻 34 号 52-
    発行日: 2011年
    公開日: 2018/07/31
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 福地櫻痴を中心として
    窪田 奈希左
    体育・スポーツ哲学研究
    1995年 17 巻 1 号 57-66
    発行日: 1995年
    公開日: 2010/04/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    It's been generally considered that the term “Buyo” was made by Shoyo Tsubouchi. But the term was used by Ochi Fukuchi before him. The purpose of this study is to clarify that the term used by Ochi Fukuchi is the origin of “Buyo” being used today. The method of study is as foll ows:
    1. To clarify where and now the term was used.
    2. To examine the background datum.
    The results out of the procedures written above are summerized as follows:
    1. There is a use of the term in the “Kaiojidan” and there are seven uses in the “Engekihimitsudan
    2. He called the “Ejanaika-Odori” by people “Buyo” in the “Kaiojidan”.
    3. In the “Engekihimitsudan” he used the term to grasp and improve conditions of Japanese-Opera. He called the movement with Kyokufushi (music) “Buyo”. And emphasized that it was important to the opera. His ideal was Western-Opera but he thought the tradition of Japanese-Opera was also precious.
    On there grounds I have come to the conclusion we may say that the term “Buyo” used by Ochi Fukuchi is the origin of “Buyo” being used today.
  • 福田 知子
    美学
    2007年 58 巻 3 号 156-
    発行日: 2007/12/31
    公開日: 2017/05/22
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 「理想主義」と「romanticism」との混同から「窺える」もの
    劉 先飛
    日本言語文化研究
    2020年 2 巻 28-
    発行日: 2020年
    公開日: 2021/08/18
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 今尾 哲也
    日本文学
    1968年 17 巻 11 号 15-44
    発行日: 1968/11/01
    公開日: 2017/08/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ―『土井子供くらし館』所蔵品から (Part.2リボン) ―
    鳥居本 幸代
    繊維製品消費科学
    1999年 40 巻 5 号 293-300
    発行日: 1999/05/25
    公開日: 2010/09/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 斎藤 一寛
    比較文学
    1965年 8 巻 1-11
    発行日: 1965/12/01
    公開日: 2017/06/17
    ジャーナル フリー
    電子付録

     According to Waseda Bungaku, No. 38 (a literary magazine published on 25 April 1893), it is evident that Shōyō Tsubouchi, M. A., had already read Comparative Literature by Macaulay Posnett by that time. But it was not known until today whether Tsubouchi ever made public his opinions on comparative literature. It was in the spring of 1964 that I found a note on “ Comparative Literature ” a lecture given by Tsubouchi, among the miscellaneous old documents in the Library of Waseda University. The note has only the title : “‘Comparative Literature’, A Lecture by Tsubouchi, M. A.”, and it does not say when and by whom the note was taken down. But by tracing back the route by which it was acquired, I found that its writer was a student by the name of Yoshio Kino. His curriculum vitae shows that he entered the English Ordinary Course of Tokyo Semmon Gakko (Tokyo College, the present Waseda University) in October 1889 and completed the course in July 1890,and that in September of the same year, he entered the Literary Department of the same college and graduated from it in July 1893.

     Based on this fact, I concluded that Yoshio Kino attended the lecture on “Comparative Literature” by Tsubouchi sometime between October 1889 and July 1893. The English Ordinary Course of the school was, in fact, a preparatory division for students going on to the College, not a special course. For example, in this course, Tsubouchi lectured on “The English Constitution” by Walter Bagehot,Sanae Takada on “Representative Government” by Mill, and Sakae Tabara on physiology. Hence it may be presumed that Yoshio Kino attended the lecture on “Comparative Literature” by Tsubouchi after entering the Literary Department of the College, that is, between September 1890 and July 1893.

     The curriculum of the College of those days is stated in the old documents of Waseda University, but the titles of lectures are not mentioned in any of the papers. Judging from the curriculum,if “ Comparative Literature” was given, it must have been done in the course under the title of “ The History of English Literature,” given in the second semester of his first year, that is, between February or March 1891 and July 1891, or in the first semester of his second year,between October 1891 and July 1892, under the same title. In the curriculum for the other semesters, we cannot find any subject that was likely to include comparative literature. Therefore, the lecture by Tsubouchi on “Comparative Literature” must have been attended by Yoshio Kino during the above periods.

     —— View PDF for the rest of the abstract. ——

  • 林原 純生
    日本近代文学
    2015年 93 巻 236-239
    発行日: 2015/11/15
    公開日: 2016/11/15
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 春秋社
    赤瀬 雅子
    比較文学
    1966年 9 巻 86-89
    発行日: 1966/10/20
    公開日: 2017/07/31
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 「読本の〈近代〉」補説
    山本 和明
    読本研究新集
    2022年 13 巻 73-91
    発行日: 2022/02/28
    公開日: 2023/07/02
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 松村 昌家
    比較文学
    1975年 18 巻 15-22
    発行日: 1975/10/31
    公開日: 2017/06/17
    ジャーナル フリー

     Shoyo Tsubouchi, known as a builder of a milestone in the history of modern Japanese literature, was as greatly concerned with innovation of comic writings as with propounding of realistic theory. In his Essence of the Novel, the first full-length theory of the novel in Japan published in 1885, Tsubouchi expounded what a true comedy should be like, comparing with Dickens’s Pickwick Papers the popular comic novels of the Edo period such as Jippensha Ikku’s Hizakurige(Shanks’s Mare) and Kinga’s Shichihenjin (The Seven Eccentrics). What he found wrong with these novels was their frequent resort to obscenity and scatology as means of provoking laughter. Laughter in literature should not betake itself to such vain vulgarity, but must be such a decent one as endowed with sympathy, kindness, and pity. Here we see that he was resorting as an antidote against what he called “obscene comedy” to the sentimental humor which was represented by Carlyle and flourishing through Dickens and Thackery. But Tsubouchi’s own theory of wit and humour had not been proposed until he wrote an article on the subject three years later than The Essence of the Novel. From every point of view this unfinished article on “The Distinction of Wit and Humour” in The Senmongakkai Zasshi, No. 2 is obviously based upon Sydney Smiths lectures “On Wit and Humour” which were widely read and quoted for a quarter of a century since its posthumous publication in 1850. And this was the first introduction to Japan of the theory of humour based upon incongruity developed ever since Aristotle and represented in England by Coleridge.

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