In the process of structural transformation of capitalistic economy accompanying the high economic growth of Japan in the 30's of Showa, the regional problems such as regional difference of income, over-concentration of population and capital in metropolitan region and excessive out-flow of population in rural districts came into question one after another.
This report aims at clarifing the relation between inter-regional differetials and uneven development of economy in the present phase.
In Japan, there was remarkably uneven development between agriculture and manufacture in the pre-war period, and in parallel with it the inter-regional differences of income was very large.
As the result of marked development of heavy and chemical industries in the 30's of Showa, this inter-sectional discrepancy in industry was greatly intensified.
Then, in order to see the change of regional differences in economic power from the pre-war to post-war period, I divided the whole country into 16 economic regions, and examined the percentage distribution of the amount of production income and personal income of these regions in 1930, 1935, 1940, 1952, 1956, 1960 and 1964 respectively, and further followed the changes of inter-regional differentials in the index number of per-head personal income.
Those figures proved that, in the period of high economic growth the degree of concentration of the amount of production income and personal income to the three central industrial regions has augmented markedly, or in other words, the regional concentration of economic power has been intensified much more, but reversely the inter-regional differentials of the level of per-head income and consumption had contracted.
The main reason of this contrariety may be ascribed to the excessive city-ward movement of labor-force in the agriculture at this period.
But how was this excessive out-flow produced? We may count as one of the most important conditions the change of social psychological effect produced by the inter-regional differentials of income and level of living. This marked change was yielded with the transformation of social and economic structure in both urban and rural communities.
The amount of per-head income of farm households was only 40% of that of city-dwellers, so the difference of income and level of living between urban and rural was very large.
But this marked differentials rather symbolized the heterogeneity of the mode of life between urban and rural communities, and in spite of their poor income the stability of farmer's life was very high.
Now, the level of living in the rural district rose markedly, and the differentials between urban and rural were reduced considerably. In accordance with this, the heterogeneity of mode of life almost faded away.
In spite of this levelling tendency of regional living conditions which is called urbanization of rural life, the inter-regional diffentials of income still remain on the small scale.
But the ballancing effort of this slight differentials of income has provoked the excessive city-ward movement of farm population.
To consider the problem of regional income difference of Japan at the present, it is needed to grasp it as the contradictive result produced by the uneven development of regional economy in such a levelling tendency of income and living conditions.

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Tokunaga Sunao's Taiyo no nai machi was published in 1929, and its German translation soon followed, appearing in the very next year. Both the original and the translation caught media attention in both countries. Senda Korenari(1904-1994), who was living in Berlin at the time, was the moving force behind this project, and undertook the translation with the help of a German friend. Although it was not free of errors, it inspired translations into other European languages, and the novel came to be known widely in Europe. The depictions of Japanese workers going on a strike awakened European readers from their Orientalist exoticism, and the novel received high acclaim for showing what was really happening in contemporary Japan. One difficulty the translators of Japanese proletarian literature in those days had to face was what to do with the portions eliminated by government censorship. This paper evaluates the significance of this German translation by examining the issues the translators had to tackle and the decisions they made.

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After the wer against Japan, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) gradually turned its moderate rent reduction policy back to one of land reform. The 1947 General Rules of Land Law marked the height of radicalism in the Party's postwar agrarian policy with the principles of equal distribution of land and power among the poor peasants. The General Rules provided for a takeover of all land in the village by the peasants' association and its equal per capita distribution to all the villagers regardless of age, sex and former land-ownership. The peasants' association led by the poop peasants' league was to carry out land reform. The peasants were to exercise the "democratic right and powers" to criticize, impeach, dismiss and elect cadres of all the organizations at all levels. The principles derived from CCP leaders' evaluation of the preceding land reform. They regarded it as a failure on the ground that many poor peasants still remained poor, having gained little from the two-year reform. Cadres of many villages reported completion of land reform, as they recognized that the landlord class had been wiped out and there was no more land to distribute. Preoccupied with meeting every poor peasant's demand for land in order to win his active support for war effort, CCP leaders and higher officials intended to prevent village cadres from conspiring with landlords and rich peasants to hinder further reform by hiding their property. The General Rules of Land Law was designed to smash their conspiracy by absolute equalization of land holdings and depriving village cadres of power to carry out land reform. In reality, however, the fundamental reason for many poor peasants remaining poor even after the land reform was the low landpopulation ratio in North China where the Communist base areas were concentrated. Equal per capita distribution of land was to make every peasant a poor peasant having no surplus to invest for production increase, which would ruin the Communist economy. Moreover, total reshuffle of land-ownership was to result in a work stoppage, as few villagers wanted to invest time, labour or fertilizer in a plot which was soon to be taken away. Peasants' "democratic rights and powers" reduced village cadres' authority and loosened discipline among the villagers who tended to refuse to respond the Party's call for mobilization for war service. The radical policy proved disastrous, ruining the economic and political bases of CCP power, and was destined to be short-lived.

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Islamic or Middle Eastern studies in Japan started in the latter half of the 1930's, and developed rapidly along with the expansion of Japan's militarism to Asian countries. In other words, it was a pressing national necessity to gather more knowledge of Islam and information about what was happening in Islamic regions of Asia. Unfortunately, Islamic studies of pre-war Japan seem to gain but a little attention from scholars of both Middle East and Japanese history. Some explain the reason for this by close contacts of the Islamic studies of those days with militarism, and others say that there left only a few original works to evaluate. It may be true, indeed, in several points, but I cannot agree to such assertion as "Islamic or Middle Eastern studies before and during the Pacific War were no more than a part of studies serving the purpose of Japan's expansion to the Continent or of pacification maneuvering toward the Muslims in China and Southeast Asia". In this article, I tried to sketch the scene of Islamic studies in the 1930's by tracing the course of several research institutes. In February of 1932, the ISURAMU BUNKA KENKYUSHO (Institute of Islamic Culture) was formed as the first group of Islamic studies by IIDA Tadasumi, NAITO Tomo-hide, OKUBO Koji and KOBAYASHI Hajime. They published a journal "ISURAMU BUNKA (Islamic Culture)" in November but it ceased with the No.1 issue only. This institute may be briefly characterized as a pure academic group. The "Muslim Question" had to be urgently solved for the Japanese militarists and capitalists who were watching for a chance to advance to the North-western part of China then to the South after the founding of Manchoukuo in 1932. Under this circumstance, the ISURAMU BUNKA KENKYUSHO shortly split up into two groups: One was the ISURAMU GAKKAI (Islamic Academy) established in 1935 by OKUBO Koji, KOBAYASHI Hajime, MATSUDA Hisao, et al, and the other was the ISURAMU BUNKA KYOKAI (Association of Islamic Culture) founded in 1937, the directors' board of which was composed of ENDO Ryusaku, Home Ministry, SOSA Tanetsugu, Navy Ministry, KASAMA Akio, Foreign Ministry, and NAITO Tomohide. This Association published a journal entitled "ISURAMU-KAIKYO BUNKA (Islam-Islamic Culture)" from No.1 to No.6 (October 1937 to January 1939) until it was affiliated in February 1939 by the DAI-NIHON KAIKYO KYOKAI (Great Japan Association of Islam) established in September 1938 with General HAYASHI Senjuro, ex-Prime Minister, as president. In March 1938, OKUBO Koji who obtained the financial support from the Prince TOKUGAWA Iemasa established the KAIKYOKEN KENKYUSHO (Institute of Islamic World) together with KOBAYASHI Hajime and MATSUDA Hisao. It came soon under the financial control of the ZENRIN KYOKAI (Association of Good Neighborhood). In May of this year, the Research Department of Foreign Ministry began to publish a quarterly magazine "KAIKYO JIJO (Islamic Affairs)" to give accurate information on Islamic affairs which lasted until December 1941, and a mosque was constructed in Tokyo by large donations from the ZAIBATSU. It was a demonstration to the Muslim people in the world to show the national understanding of Islam. In August, the TOA KEIZAI CHOSAKYOKU (East Asian Economic Research Bureau of the South Manchurian Railway) headed by OKAWA Shumei launched its monthly magazine "SHIN AJIA (New Asia)" by which they showed the subject of their researches was not limited to East Asia. In September, TOA KENKYUSHO (Institute of East Asia) was established as a research organ of the Cabinet Planning Board "to make all-round researches of culture and nature of East Asia in order to contribute to the overseas expansion of the Imperial Japan". In this way, Islamic and Middle Eastern studies in Japan flourished in the latter half of the 1930's in response

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明治期以降の日本の食料供給を，穀物の海外依存に着目して検討するとともに，それに対する地理学研究を振り返った．食料の海外依存は最近始まったことではなく，明治中期以来，第二次大戦にかけても相当量を海外に依存していた．それに応じ1940年代まで，食料は地理学研究の1つの主要な対象で，農業生産だけではなく多くの食料需給についての論考が展開されていた．戦時期の議論には，問題のある展開も認められるが，食料供給に関する高い関心が存在していたことは事実である．しかし，その後の地理学においてこれらの成果が顧みられることは無く，今日に至るまで食料への関心は希薄で，研究の重心は国内の農業に収束していった．明治期以降もっとも海外への依存を高めている今日の食料需給を鑑みるに，当時の状況と地理学研究を振り返ることは，有効な含意を持つと考える．

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